Cannibalism: A Perfectly Natural History

Italian cleric Peter Martyr (1457-1526) became one of the most influential chroniclers of early Spanish rule in the West Indies. His book De Orbe Novo (1530) drew from secondhand accounts of sailors and clergymen. In it, he expanded on Dr. Diego Álvarez Chanca’s report of a so-called “cannibal hut” (109) during Columbus’s second voyage, turning it into a grotesque depiction of Caribs roasting and boiling human flesh. Martyr’s exaggerated narrative was “instrumental in dehumanizing the Caribs” (110) to justify Columbus’s militarized third voyage.

The question of whether cannibalism truly existed among the Caribs remains controversial. Oxford-trained anthropologist Neil Whitehead argues that while many Spanish reports were propaganda, some independent sources describe “ritualized cannibalism” (111). Ritual cannibalism generally falls into two categories: exocannibalism (eating outsiders, often enemies, to gain strength or as an act of war) and endocannibalism (consuming deceased relatives as part of funerary rites). Some Amerindian groups may have practiced exocannibalism to absorb their enemies’ power, similar to other societies in South America and the Pacific. 

Cannibalism has also occurred in extreme wartime conditions. During World War II, Japanese soldiers on Chichi Jima executed and consumed captured American airmen due to starvation. Even American troops engaged in mutilating enemy bodies. However, ritual cannibalism, as practiced by groups like the Wari’ of Brazil, served a different purpose. Before missionaries intervened, the Wari’ consumed their dead as a way to combat “prolonged grieving” (113).

The legitimacy of Carib cannibalism remains debated. During a trip to Trinidad, spiritual leader Cristo Adonis confirmed that his ancestors, the Karina and Locono people, practiced both ritualized endocannibalism and exocannibalism “as a way to gain power from their defeated enemies” (114). However, critics argue that colonial powers exaggerated or fabricated cannibalism stories to justify conquest. Non-Spanish sources, such as the English and Dutch, also reported on Amerindian cannibalism, though their accounts often contained fantastical elements, like Sir Walter Raleigh’s description of men with heads in their chests.

Dr. Chanca’s firsthand report of cannibalism is questionable since he was not present at the supposed “cannibal hut” (115) incident. His letter accompanied Columbus’s request that he be given a pay raise, suggesting bias. Some historians believe the bones found were part of Indigenous funerary practices rather than proof of cannibalism.

In 1979, anthropologist William Arens challenged the validity of ritual cannibalism in The Man-Eating Myth, arguing that there was no direct evidence. His claims were widely criticized, especially by researchers who had documented such practices through ethnographic accounts. Anthropologists like Beth Conklin and Jerome Whitfield countered that Indigenous communities had openly admitted to past cannibalistic traditions. While Arens remained skeptical, most researchers conclude that ritual cannibalism did exist in some societies, though its extent is still debated.

Chapter 11 explores ritual cannibalism, focusing on its historical and religious contexts, particularly within Christianity. The Bible contains two types of references to cannibalism: one in the Old Testament, where starving individuals in besieged cities resorted to it, and another in the New Testament, where Jesus’s words at the Last Supper introduced the concept of consuming his body and blood. The Eucharist, a core Christian sacrament, commemorates this event. However, interpretations of this “particular form of ritual cannibalism” (124) vary over time, leading to significant religious and political consequences.

A major doctrinal shift occurred in 1215 during the Fourth Lateran Council when Pope Innocent III formally introduced the “concept of transubstantiation” (125). This decree mandated that the bread and wine in the Eucharist were not merely symbolic but the actual body and blood of Christ. The concept sparked theological disputes, particularly with Protestants during the Reformation. Martin Luther rejected transubstantiation, arguing that it had no biblical basis and was an artificial construction of the Church.

The doctrine also had darker consequences. From the 13th to the 17th centuries, accusations of host desecration—claims that Jews were torturing communion wafers, which allegedly bled—led to widespread persecution. Thousands of Jews were tortured and executed under these unfounded accusations, often without any evidence. These pogroms persisted for centuries, eventually shifting focus from Jews to witches, who were similarly persecuted for alleged sacrilegious acts against “baked goods” (130). Scientific research in the 20th century offered an alternative explanation for the “bleeding hosts” (130). The bacterium Serratia marcescens, known for producing a red pigment, was identified as a likely cause of the phenomenon. This revelation underscores how ignorance and superstition led to centuries of suffering.

The passage concludes by drawing a parallel between religious cannibalism and a real-world survival case. Survivors of the 1972 Andes plane crash (documented in the book Alive) justified their consumption of human flesh by comparing it to the Eucharist. Their “communion defense” (132) helped them regain public support, and the Catholic Church ultimately absolved them. However, some survivors later admitted that the explanation was a public relations move.

Chapter 12 recounts an investigation into the infamous Donner Party tragedy, focusing on a search for historical human remains at Alder Creek, California. Schutt, accompanied by experts and a trained Historical Human Remains Detection (HHRD) dog named Kayle, explores the site where part of the ill-fated group was stranded in the winter of 1846-47, leading to “the most infamous example of cannibalism in U.S. history” (134). The Donner Party, a group of 87 pioneers, left Missouri in 1846 for California, opting to take the untested Hastings Cutoff, which delayed them by a month. This put them in a race to cross the Sierra Nevada before winter. The group, led by businessman George Donner, faced extreme hardships, including deaths, infighting, and dwindling resources, while “bickering, stress, exhaustion, and desperation split the group along class, ethnic, and family lines” (136). By early November, an unexpected blizzard trapped them in the mountains, cutting them off from escape. While some members camped at Truckee Lake (now Donner Lake), others, including the Donners, were stranded eight miles away at Alder Creek.

As the weeks dragged on, starvation and desperation took hold. In December 1846, 17 of the strongest members attempted to escape, forming the group known as “The Forlorn Hope.” Facing brutal conditions, the group eventually resorted to cannibalism to survive, consuming those who had died. Only seven members made it to safety, alerting rescuers to the plight of those still trapped. Rescuers eventually reached the stranded pioneers, but nearly half of the Donner Party perished, many consumed by their own companions.

Schutt also draws comparisons to other instances of survival cannibalism, including the 1941-44 siege of Leningrad during World War II, where mass starvation led to widespread cannibalism, criminal activity, and desperate survival measures. The Soviet government later suppressed records of these events to maintain an image of heroism. Schutt believes that the people of Leningrad were typical examples of “normal people driven by impossible conditions to commit unspeakable acts” (149). Additionally, Schutt recounts the story of the Peggy, an American sloop whose starving crew resorted to cannibalism, including a rigged lottery that led to the murder of an enslaved person.

Schutt reflects on the physiological and psychological effects of extreme starvation, highlighting how hunger alters human behavior and breaks down social structures. Through historical and scientific analysis, Schutt underscores how starvation-induced cannibalism has repeatedly occurred throughout history, often as a desperate means of survival. The ongoing investigation at Alder Creek suggests that new discoveries could further illuminate the grim realities faced by the Donner Party.

Schutt continues the account of the Donner Party’s ordeal, focusing on the final desperate acts of survival and later historical investigations into the tragedy. As starvation worsened among The Forlorn Hope, the group consumed the bodies of their dead companions. Tensions ran high and, when food ran out again, William Foster suggested killing their weakest members. Ultimately, he murdered two Indigenous American guides, Luis and Salvador, and ate their remains.

Meanwhile, at the mountain camps, more people perished. Between February and April 1847, four rescue parties attempted to save the survivors. First relief found the stranded pioneers in horrific condition, many too weak to move. Although no cannibalism was evident at this stage, later rescue teams encountered clear signs, including half-eaten human remains. At Alder Creek, George Donner, incapacitated by an infected wound, remained with his wife, Tamzene, who refused to leave him. After his death, she returned to the camps but was later cannibalized by Louis Keseberg, the last surviving member found in April. By this point, “he had been eating nothing but human bodies for two months” (157).

In the summer of 1847, General Stephen Kearny’s men discovered mutilated skeletons and torched the abandoned camps. Over time, the Donner tragedy became more of a dark joke than a cautionary tale in a society that has become “anesthetized to the concepts of gore and gruesome death” (158). Since 2010, scientific studies have challenged the accepted narrative. Archaeological excavations at Alder Creek, initially believed to be the site of George Donner’s camp, uncovered thousands of animal bones but no definitive human remains. This led to misleading media reports claiming the Donner Party had not resorted to cannibalism. Instead, they blamed the macabre and sensationalist sensibilities of “Victorian-era journalists and ethnic prejudice” (163).

However, historians and researchers, including Kristin Johnson and John Grebenkemper, found flaws in this claim. The absence of human bones likely resulted from differences in how bodies were processed: Survivors consumed flesh but did not cook or break human bones as they did with animals. Further forensic and historical analysis, aided by Kayle and other HHRD dogs, suggested that George Donner’s camp was in a different location than previously thought, possibly at a site known as Canine Three Locality. Chapter 12 concludes with a broader reflection on cannibalism in nature, its role in survival, and how cultural taboos developed against it. While survival cannibalism is often excused in extreme situations, the stigma surrounding it has historically led to persecution and misinformation. The Donner Party’s legacy remains a powerful, if misunderstood, symbol of human desperation and resilience in the face of catastrophe.