57 pages 1-hour read

Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2005

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Background

Historical Context: The Soviet War in Afghanistan

Good Muslim, Bad Muslim largely explores the Soviet-Afghan war from the American perspective. It is therefore worth considering the Soviet Union’s own motivations for invading Afghanistan, motivations which mirror many of the US’s motivations. For the Soviet Union, the war was deeply rooted in geopolitical calculations, concerns over regional stability, and a commitment to preserving influence in a strategically important neighbor. What began as a limited intervention evolved into a drawn-out, brutal conflict that severely strained the Soviet military, economy, and international reputation. The war’s outcome contributed significantly to the unraveling of the Soviet system and marked a turning point in late 20th-century global politics.


From the Soviet point of view, the decision to intervene in Afghanistan was driven by a complex mix of ideological, strategic, and security considerations. In April 1978, the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist-Leninist party aligned with the USSR, seized power in a coup known as the Saur Revolution. The new government, under Nur Muhammad Taraki and later Hafizullah Amin, implemented radical reforms inspired by socialist principles. These reforms were deeply unpopular with much of Afghan society, especially in the rural and religious populations. Resistance began to mount, and the country quickly descended into chaos. Moscow feared that the instability could undermine the credibility of socialism in the region and open the door to Western, particularly American, influence, possibly leading to instability across the southern Soviet republics, many of which had significant Muslim populations.


Initially, Soviet leadership under Leonid Brezhnev was reluctant to send troops. But by late 1979, the situation had deteriorated sharply. The assassination of Taraki and the rise of Hafizullah Amin, whom Soviet officials distrusted, led to growing concerns about the PDPA’s viability and loyalty. On December 24, 1979, the Soviet Union launched Operation Storm-333, deploying troops to Kabul, assassinating Amin, and installing Babrak Karmal, a rival PDPA leader who was more closely aligned with Moscow. The Soviets hoped that their intervention would be brief: stabilize the government, restore order, and leave the Afghan army to maintain control. However, they severely underestimated the strength of Afghan resistance and the fractured, tribal nature of the country.


From 1980 onwards, the Soviet Union found itself mired in a prolonged guerrilla war against the mujahideen, a diverse array of Islamist and tribal militias backed by Pakistan, the United States, Saudi Arabia, and others. The Soviet military, though technologically superior and well-trained, struggled to adapt to the rugged terrain, hit-and-run tactics, and decentralized nature of the enemy. The Soviet approach involved securing urban centers and transportation routes while launching airstrikes and search-and-destroy missions into rural areas. This strategy failed to suppress the mujahideen, who used their knowledge of the mountains and their access to foreign arms—especially US-supplied Stinger missiles—to great effect, inflicting significant losses on Soviet forces.


The war was deeply unpopular among Soviet citizens. Like the US War in Vietnam, the Afghan war lacked a compelling ideological justification. The Soviet public was often kept in the dark about the true nature of the conflict, but as casualties mounted—official estimates suggest 15,000 Soviet troops died, with tens of thousands more wounded—disillusionment grew. The war also placed enormous financial strain on the Soviet economy, already burdened by stagnation and the pressures of maintaining global commitments. It drained resources that could have been used for domestic reforms, eroded morale within the military, and created a rift within the Communist Party over the direction of foreign policy.


Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev, who came to power in 1985, initiated the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. Seeking to reform and modernize the USSR through his policies of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring), Gorbachev recognized that a continued presence in Afghanistan was unsustainable and counterproductive. The withdrawal, completed in February 1989, was widely interpreted both at home and abroad as a humiliating defeat. The Soviet Union left behind a fragile Afghan government that would collapse within three years, paving the way for further civil war and eventually the rise of the Taliban. For the Soviet leadership, the war’s aftermath was sobering. It exposed the limitations of Soviet power, highlighted the failure of military force to impose political order, and demonstrated the dangers of ideological overreach. The war discredited interventionist foreign policy and contributed to a broader reassessment of Soviet global strategy. The war became a symbol of the dysfunction of the late Soviet state.

Geopolitical Context: Beyond 2005: American Involvement in the Middle East

Good Muslim, Bad Muslim was published in 2005. In the 20 years since its publication, American involvement in the Middle East has evolved. While the early 2000s were dominated by large-scale military occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan, the period after 2006 marked a gradual transition toward counterterrorism, regional alliances, and indirect influence through partners and proxies. In 2006, Iraq was descending into sectarian violence following the 2003 US invasion. The insurgency against American forces and the Iraqi government intensified, with Sunni and Shia militias waging civil war. In response, the Bush administration implemented the “surge” in 2007, deploying an additional 30,000 US troops to stabilize Baghdad and other conflict zones. This surge, combined with new counterinsurgency tactics and the alignment of Sunni tribal militias with US forces, reduced violence significantly by 2008. However, long-term stability proved elusive. The U.S. formally ended combat operations in Iraq in 2010 under President Barack Obama, and a full troop withdrawal was completed by the end of 2011. But the absence of US forces and continued political dysfunction in Baghdad set the stage for future instability.


The Arab Spring in 2011 dramatically reshaped the region. In Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Syria, and beyond, popular uprisings challenged long-standing autocratic regimes. The US supported regime change in Libya through NATO airstrikes against Muammar Gaddafi, cautiously endorsed democratic transitions in Egypt and Tunisia, and called for Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to step down. However, the outcomes were mixed. Libya descended into chaos, Egypt returned to military rule, and Syria spiraled into a protracted civil war. The Obama administration was reluctant to involve US ground forces, especially after the Iraq experience, but did provide arms and training to some Syrian opposition groups, a policy that yielded limited results. The most dramatic consequence of post-2011 instability was the rise of the Islamic State (ISIS), which emerged from the remnants of al-Qaeda in Iraq and exploited the chaos in Syria and Iraq. In 2014, ISIS seized large swaths of territory, declaring a “caliphate” and committing atrocities across the region.


The US launched Operation Inherent Resolve, a military campaign to degrade and defeat ISIS, involving thousands of airstrikes, special operations, and support for local partners like the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Iraqi army. By 2019, ISIS had lost nearly all its territory, though it continued to pose a security threat. This phase of American engagement marked a return to active military involvement, albeit in a more limited, coalition-based form. It also reflected the shifting emphasis from regime change to counterterrorism.


Another major axis of US Middle East policy since 2006 has been its relationship with Iran. The Obama administration pursued diplomacy, culminating in the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), or Iran nuclear deal, which aimed to limit Iran’s nuclear capabilities in exchange for sanctions relief. However, the Trump administration withdrew from the deal in 2018 and adopted a “maximum pressure” campaign, reimposing sanctions and escalating tensions with Tehran. In 2020, a US drone strike killed Iranian General Qassem Soleimani, further inflaming hostilities. Meanwhile, US support for Gulf allies—especially Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates—remained strong. Washington backed Saudi intervention in Yemen’s civil war and encouraged the Abraham Accords in 2020, which normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states.


In recent years, there has been a clear shift in US strategy: away from large troop deployments and toward a focus on strategic partnerships, arms sales, and technological cooperation. The Biden administration, while seeking to deprioritize the Middle East in favor of Asia, maintained a residual presence in Iraq and Syria, supported Israel during renewed tensions with Gaza, and continued to pressure Iran diplomatically.

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