75 pages 2-hour read

An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States for Young People

Nonfiction | Book | YA | Published in 2019

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Key Figures

Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz

Born in 1938, Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz grew up in poverty in rural Oklahoma. She participated in civil rights movements in the 1960s and 70s, including as a cofounder of the Women’s Liberation Movement and No More Fun and Games, the first women’s liberation journal. Her working-class background and partial Indigenous heritage gave her a unique perspective from others in the New Left. She also supported Indigenous peoples in Nicaragua during the Contra War between US-trained counterrevolutionaries and the Sandinista regime. She documents these events in three memoirs: Red Dirt (1997), Outlaw Woman (2002), and Blood on the Border (2005).


Dunbar-Ortiz earned a Ph.D. in history from the University of California at Los Angeles. At California State University, Hayward, she taught in the new Native American Studies Program and helped create its Ethnic Studies and Women’s Studies departments. Her first book, The Great Sioux Nation (1977), covers the Sioux’s efforts to protect its sovereignty and the 1973 Wounded Knee protest. Roots of Resistance (1980) focuses on Indigenous and Mexican efforts to protect its social heritage in New Mexico. Following An Indigenous Peoples’ History of the United States in 2015, Dunbar-Ortiz published books on common myths in 2016’s All the Real Indians Died Off, the Second Amendment in 2018’s Loaded, and historical revisionism in 2020’s Not ‘a Nation of Immigrants.’


As a historian and lifelong activist, Dunbar-Ortiz connects modern Indigenous rights struggles to a history of suppression that many would rather ignore. Her goal with An Indigenous Peoples’ History is to present a brutal but honest record of the United States—one of settler colonialism that regularly breached international sovereignty, ignored its own exploitative treaties, forced peoples into assimilation, and used force when needed. This contrasts with history textbooks that may acknowledge injustices but present Indigenous peoples as one of many oppressed groups that contribute a handful of “gifts” for students to memorize (9).


Indigenous Peoples’ History views events from the perspective of a continent of nations facing invasion. While Dunbar-Ortiz discusses nations like the Cherokee, Sioux, and Muscogee in detail, she focuses more on the political histories of these nations rather than their individual cultures and beliefs. It would be difficult to give all nations equal coverage—and nearly impossible for those that early colonizers wiped out.


Dunbar-Ortiz also positions Indigenous peoples not as victims of Manifest Destiny who face insurmountable social problems but as active resisters against an American government that still strips them of rights. The book culminates in the Standing Rock protests, which depicts how Indigenous nations and allies use nonviolent resistance and social media to continue their ancestors’ efforts against resource-hungry companies and a militarized police force.

Jean Mendoza and Debbie Reese

Jean Mendoza and Debbie Reese are long-time collaborators on articles and presentations about Indigenous people in children’s books. Mendoza, of European ancestry, and Reese, a Nambé Owingeh citizen, both hold doctorates in curriculum and instruction. After hearing requests for a young adult version of Indigenous Peoples’ History, Dunbar-Ortiz asked her publisher about it, who then contacted Reese.


This adaptation targets middle-grade readers who have a basic knowledge of American history that is mostly favorable. Mendoza and Reese streamline events for simplicity. For example, in the original text, Dunbar-Ortiz goes more in depth about the tense political situation of the Aztecs and how the Indigenous allies that worked with the Spanish would not have known their intentions. The team tempered some of the stronger content for its audience, which would include Indigenous children learning about their history for the first time. It only briefly discusses cultural appropriation, where White people use Indigenous accessories for frivolous affairs like sports and Halloween costumes. When the book brings up sports team names, it goes beyond the obvious example of the Washington Football Team’s former mascot to make a point about how most of them glorify warfare. In addition, the adapters note a bias towards male figures and encourages readers to find Indigenous stories about famous women.


Mendoza and Reese design this edition to resemble a history textbook. Each chapter has multiple subheads along with sidebars, bulleted lists, and pictures. It provides definitions for words like “cult” as well as explanations for issues like White supremacy. The two often show their work, such as explaining step-by-step how they used a website to find Sun Elk’s identity, and encourage readers to conduct their own research. Finally, they ask open-ended questions to help readers become critical thinkers.


Like Dunbar-Ortiz, the adapters want the reader to understand the role of perseverance in Indigenous life and that they are not a dying people. In an interview, Mendoza noted how listing people as “Euro-American” in the index helped readers shake the notion of White being the default skin color, and she hoped that non-Native readers would use the book to understand the continued influence of settler colonialism so they can “dismantle” it in their own neighborhoods (Rogers, Kim. “Native Voices: Co-Authors Dr. Debbie Reese & Dr. Jean Mendoza on Writing History.” Cynsations. 3 March 2020.)

Indigenous Nations Before and After European Encounters

Readers may be familiar with maps that depict the territories of Indigenous nations before the arrival of Europeans. While their borders were loose, the peoples and cultures on what is now called North America were as diverse as those across the Atlantic Ocean, with trading networks and sophisticated governments. Dunbar-Ortiz’s focuses on how they maintained their ways of life against European invasions.


Some nations maintained unity throughout these trials, which included warfare, disease, and the genocidal destruction of towns and resources. The six Iroquois nations of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy practiced democratic norms before the arrival of English colonists and maintain its Great Law of Peace to this day. It also refused to vote in US elections as a symbol of its independence. In the south, the Cherokee were powerful enough to withstand both direct and irregular warfare by the British Empire, and Thomas Jefferson struggled to drive them from their homeland. The nation defended its treaty rights in the Supreme Court, leading Andrew Jackson to refuse to enforce the results and imprison Cherokee leaders during Indian Removal Act negotiations. The Pueblo of the Southwest resisted Spanish missionaries and later secured legal victories to regain the sacred Blue Lake. The Modoc, Apache, Seminole, and Sioux, among others, all maintained sustained defenses against the US military.


Today, Indigenous nations continue to use the courts to enforce still-standing treaties. Dunbar-Ortiz stresses the importance that modern laws like the Indian Child Welfare Act and the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act use language that position Indigenous nations as independent entities. The introduction of casinos to reservations serves as both a revenue source and a way to fund education efforts like the National Museum of the American Indian.


This adaptation does not cover social problems within reservations—often the result of intergenerational trauma from those who endured forced assimilation. This partly feeds into the terminal narrative of Indigenous people as poor and forgotten, which could make young people reinforce negative stereotypes. Focusing on ongoing fights encourages others to support Indigenous causes.

The United States Government

Critics of An Indigenous Peoples’ History of the United States may say that it’s unfair to judge the early US government by modern standards. The Indigenous nations attacked settlers and allied with foreign enemies. The Maya and Aztecs show that many Indigenous communities had unequal class systems and forced labor. But it was not that the first settlers just wanted a better life for themselves—if that was the case, they would’ve remained in the first colonies and formed mutual treaties with neighbors. The Doctrine of Discovery and Calvinist teachings primed the United States to see all land as theirs for the taking and to disregard original inhabitants.


Most history classes acknowledge the contradiction that the Founding Fathers who promoted egalitarian ideals also enslaved Africans and restricted women’s rights. But they gained wealth by speculating on Indigenous land as well. George Washington inspired fear in tribes and recommended a merciless assault on the Ohio Valley. The precedent of using civilian militias as well as trained troops to handle the frontier led to massacres with minimal accountability. Thomas Jefferson served on a civilian militia, encouraged Indigenous nations to accumulate debt, and set the stage for Manifest Destiny with the Louisiana Purchase.


Fighting these people also had political benefits. William Henry Harrison, who employed bribery as a governor, promoted his presidential campaign with the song “Tippecanoe and Tyler Too,” referencing his victory against Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa. Andrew Jackson’s brutal military campaign against the Red Sticks boosted his political career. He refused to enforce a Supreme Court decision in favor of the Cherokee and employed coercion with the Indian Removal Act. Abraham Lincoln, the man who ended slavery, did little to reform relations and organized the largest public execution in American history. After the US Civil War, the government renewed expansion efforts and used boarding schools to assimilate Native children into American culture.


Progressive movements within US politics gave Indigenous nations a chance to change this relationship. During Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal administration, Commissioner of Indian Affairs John Collier enacted major reforms that included the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, which formally recognized Indigenous sovereignty for the first time. John F. Kennedy’s election in the 1960s sparked hope for improved relations and the launch of new civil rights groups. The Barack Obama administration delayed approval for pipelines that ran through reservations.


However, Indigenous fortunes fell with changing political tides. The Truman administration abandoned Roosevelt’s reforms despite both being Democrats, the Eisenhower administration enacted a new termination policy to strip tribal recognition, and Obama’s successor approved the Dakota Access Pipeline. Progressive administrations were not perfect either; the Navajo resisted the IRA’s efforts to create new tribal constitutions. Kennedy’s “New Frontier” speech advocated for breakthroughs in science and social justice while still celebrating the West’s colonization. The revelation that Obama’s administration gave terrorist leader Osama Bin Laden the nickname of “Geronimo,” the Apache warrior, spurred outrage (“Indian Country Responds to Geronimo, bin Laden Connection.” Indian Country Today. 5 May 2011.)


Distrust of the US government among Indigenous peoples continues to this day. For example, sterilization campaigns and poor healthcare systems made Indigenous peoples wary of vaccines for diseases like COVID-19, even though infection rates are high in reservations. (Read, Richard & Curtis Lee. “COVID-19 Is Crushing Native American Reservations. But Distrust of the Government Makes Vaccines a Hard Sell.” Los Angeles Times. 20 December 2020.)

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