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In “Water,” Lepore attempts to uncover the truth of what occurred during the meetings at Hughson’s tavern, and whether or not a conspiracy was actually hatched there. Over the course of their investigation, the prosecutors and the Supreme Court realize that while some slaves claim to have heard of the conspiracy at Hughson’s tavern, many more slaves learn of the plot during meetings at the home of Gerardus Comfort, a neighbor to Hughson and owner of the slave Jack. Although the prosecution attempts to conflate the meetings at Hughson’s tavern and those at Comfort’s house, suggesting that both meetings involve plotting for a rebellion, Lepore argues that the events taking place at both homes had very distinct meanings.
During the trial, some of the slaves testify that Hughson told them of the slave plot as early as 1738, several years prior to the actual fires committed in 1741. According to these slaves, Hughson often spoke of the plot freely at parties, with Hughson often initiating the slaves into the plot when both Hughson and the slave are very drunk. Lepore argues that such behavior seems at odds with an actual attempt to plan a conspiracy, as such plotting would require a great deal of secrecy on the part of Hughson and his inductees. Further, Lepore notes that Hughson’s initiations into a secret plot bear a resemblance to the sorts of initiations frequently performed by the Freemasons. The Freemasons are a secret society composed of wealthy educated white men, whose meetings in lodges involve secret oaths and discussions of political matters. In 1737, James Alexander—a member of New York’s Country Party—establishes a Freemason lodge. In response, members of the pro-governor Court Party frequently mock the rituals of the Freemasons in the press. Rather than a legitimate attempt to form a slave rebellion, Hughson’s initiations may have actually been partaking in this atmosphere of mockery of the Freemasons. Lepore argues that, rather than a legitimate revolt to overthrow the New York government, “Hughson’s Plot” was actually just “a prank that grew out of proportion” (143).
Comfort’s slave Jack is one of the slaves who Hughson initiates during the meetings at his tavern. Lepore writes that while Hughson may have intended the rituals to be a joke, Jack and other slaves begin to take the prospect of a slave rebellion seriously. Many slaves frequently travel to Comfort’s house, where Jack lives, due to the existence of a spring water well on Comfort’s property. As high-quality water is difficult to find in New York, slaves from throughout the city travel to Comfort’s home to fetch water for their owners, often late at night. At the well, these slaves often stop to drink liquor offered to them by Jack, chatting and socializing amongst themselves. Jack uses these visits as opportunities to initiate the slaves into his plot, telling the slaves that they would be stricken dead if they did not keep to their word and murder their masters. Lepore argues that many of Jack’s rituals and oaths are similar to those used by the Coromantee, a group of black slaves living in Jamaica and descending from the Akan in Ghana. Through these rituals, Lepore argues that slaves “forged bonds of fictive kinship” (147), creating a community that could bridge their disparate geographic and ethnic backgrounds.
As the investigations and slave trials continue into July, the prison remains overpopulated with accused slaves. Among these accused slaves is Othello, owned by the Chief Justice James DeLancey, who is set to return to New York and the court in July. Although Othello at first refuses to confess, he eventually testifies that he had sworn to Hughson that he would “burn and kill” (173) his master. Other accused slaves begin to testify that they had met a Catholic priest at Hughson’s tavern, who promises to absolve the slaves of their guilt should they participate in the rebellion. Such a description matches a letter received by New York’s Governor Clarke in mid-June. In the letter, General James Oglethorpe describes a plot by the French and Spanish governments to instill rebellion amongst the colonies’ slave populations by having undercover Catholic priests urge them to revolt.
In the beginning of July, DeLancey returns to New York and joins the ongoing investigations and trials. Disturbed by the number of slaves being executed, DeLancey orders the Court to choose a remaining few for execution before pardoning the rest of the accused slaves. DeLancey then to turn the investigation capturing the rumored insurrectionist priest, believing the fires to actually have been part of a Catholic conspiracy to overtake New York.
A suspect is quickly identified and arrested: John Ury, a Latin school master who is believed to be a priest. Mary Burton is brought in again to identify Ury as the suspected priest. Burton had originally testified that she had never seen any other white people at the tavern besides the Hughsons and Peggy Kerry, but she amends her testimony to say that Ury had been at the tavern and encouraging slaves to participate in the rebellion. Likewise, William Kane, a white soldier who had been accused by a slave, also testifies to having seen Ury at the tavern.
At the end of July, the Supreme Court brings John Ury to trial for encouraging the slave rebellions. Both Burton and Kane testify against Ury, claiming to have seen Ury perform baptisms on black babies and promise slaves to “forgive them from their Sins” (193) if they participate in the plot. Ury mounts his own defense, calling witnesses to testify that Ury is in only a schoolteacher from Pennsylvania, and that Ury does not sympathize with the plight of slaves. However, the jury decides to convict Ury after only 15 minutes of deliberation, and Ury is sentenced to “death by hanging” (196).
Over the course of these two chapters, Lepore explores how the narrative of the 1741 fires grows from being “Hughson’s plot,” to the “Negro plot,” before finally transforming into a “Catholic plot.” What the Court first believes to be the machinations of a single individual (Hughson) is eventually believed to be part of an international conspiracy involving the French and Spanish governments and the Catholic church. Lepore argues that these various understandings of the fires tell us more about the cultural anxieties of 18th-century New Yorkers than they do about the actual goal of the conspiracy.
In Chapter 5, “Water,” Lepore distinguishes between Hughson’s plot and what she calls the “Negro plot” (133). While at first glance, Hughson’s plot may seem to be a legitimate attempt by Hughson to stir discontent amongst the slaves, Lepore’s close attention to historical context reveals the plot to be nothing more than a parody. Considered in the context of the Freemasons and contemporaneous popular culture, Hughson’s supposed initiations appear to actually be an elaborate joke Hughson plays with the slaves. At the same time, however, Hughson’s joke seems to touch upon deep emotional discontent amongst the slaves, in particular Jack. In turn, the plot grows and transforms into a “Negro plot,” with Jack recruiting many of New York’s slaves to swear to burn down New York and kill their masters. Although some of New York’s slaves undoubtedly did take part in Jack’s plot, these far fewer than the hundreds of slaves captured and tried by the Supreme Court during their investigation. Many New Yorkers are anxious about the ethics of human slavery, fearful that slaves will one day rebel for their freedom. As such, the existence of some rebellious slaves causes a mass hysteria amongst white New Yorkers, leading them to suspect every single slave in New York of participating in the rebellion.
The conspiracy’s transformation from a “Negro plot” to an international Catholic conspiracy likewise reveals much about 18th-century colonial anxieties surrounding Catholicism. As the religion in the colonies is the Church of England, Catholics are considered to be highly suspect individuals, who are by their very nature opposed to the British Monarchy. Fear of Catholics runs so high that it is illegal to be a Catholic priest in New York, and such priests are considered “false, cruel, wanton, lecherous, deceitful, treacherous, ruthless, and bloodthirsty” (183). One of the supposed dangers of Catholic priests is their ability to “forgive sins” (183), which Protestant New Yorkers believed would allow sinners to freely commit crimes with little fear of divine consequence. For Horsmanden, the fact that a priest may have been involved with the conspiracy transforms it from being a slave rebellion into something far more dangerous: an international Catholic conspiracy to overthrow New York and threaten the power of Britain.



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