57 pages 1-hour read

One L: The Turbulent True Story of a First Year at Harvard Law School

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1977

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Chapters 3-4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “October and November—Disgrace”

Scott came to appreciate his Torts class and Zechman’s hypothetical teaching style after realizing that the answerless questions were meant to prompt students to think critically about ambiguities in the law. Meanwhile, he grew disappointed in his other professors, particularly Perini, who seemed to relish the torment he created, as well as Morris, whose friendliness often came across as condescension. The shine of the new environment began to wear off, and students started skipping classes. To demonstrate this attitude shift, Scott shared an anecdote from Torts class. A student and Zechman faced off about a case, and the students hissed at Zechman’s dismissive remarks. Students used hissing to fight back within the Socratic method, which they saw as too combative. Many people in Section 2 joined the Harvard Law Guild, a student organization that sought to reform legal education, and Guild members gained notoriety for their passionate speeches in class.


Turow recounts an incident in his study group when Kyle complained that the group was too large and disorganized. He proposed reducing their numbers, and Sandy Stern admitted that he was in two study groups. The group was shocked by this deception and made it clear that Sandy should leave. Scott felt “disturbed” by their ruthlessness against Sandy.


One day in Criminal Law, Scott gave what he thought was a clever answer, but Professor Mann corrected him. He decided never to speak up again. Scott observed that speaking in class was the only way students could gauge their progress, since their grade relied solely on a final exam. Whenever someone stepped outside the norm in their studies, students hysterically pursued those same methods so they wouldn’t fall behind. New “stars” of class began to emerge, and students looked at them with envy and contempt. Compared to the others, Scott felt mediocre.


Scott and his study group had lunch with Perini and Zechman. Turow reflects that law schools have notoriously high student to faculty ratios, and lunch appointments are one of the few ways students can overcome the depersonalization of class. The Harvard faculty are difficult to reach without an appointment, since they are always out of office and avoid student spaces. The distance makes the students mythologize their professors, while infantilizing themselves. As a former professor himself, Scott felt this infantilization to the extreme.


Scott felt guilty about the strain he was putting on his wife. His workload only grew more extreme, especially as the Legal Methods mock-case approached. Scott and his partner, Willie Hewitt, agreed to slack on their written brief. Scott took time out of his busy schedule to see Ralph Nader speak about legal education. Nader shared many criticisms that Scott had heard from his peers throughout the term, like the feelings of indoctrination, the bias of case studies, and the funneling of top students toward corporate law.


On the day of Legal Methods oral arguments, Annette joined Scott to observe his debate and classes. Section 2 had a riveting Criminal Law class, but Perini entered Contracts in a sour mood. He sped through three cases and angrily called on Mooney, who meekly confessed that he was unprepared. Full of hatred, Perini screamed at Mooney. He moved on to the next student, dismissed his responses, and stormed out of the room. After Torts, a large group discussed the incident and a possible response. Mooney wanted to handle the issue himself, but many people felt that Perini’s behavior affected them all. They decided to write a letter of protest.


Scott felt nervous about his oral argument. Scott and Willie’s lack of preparation was immediately evident, and they resorted to quarreling with the judges’ questions. Their opponents eloquently presented their argument, and the judges declared them the winners. Turow reflects on the shame and embarrassment he felt for mocking the process he had come to school to learn. The next day, the Guild members presented the letter for Perini, but the section’s responses had cooled. Scott still signed the letter, feeling uncomfortable about Perini’s rudeness. Word of the letter and “the Incident” circulated, and the Guild established Section 100, a group to express the first-years students’ dissatisfactions. They mailed around a statement about the Incident and other grievances that first years could sign.


Morris announced a mock exam to provide feedback on the students’ progress. Stephen anxiously called the study group together, but Scott left early, not wanting to get too agitated. Before the exam, Scott received feedback on his brief and argument. At first, he was angry, but he quickly realized that he was to blame for the poor outcome. An article in the morning newspaper appeared about the Incident, and Perini was deeply angry at the public embarrassment. As the mock exam started, Scott felt a wave of dread, knowing he would flunk the test. He went to the school’s psychiatrist, but the next appointment wasn’t until Thanksgiving.


Perini and the class bitterly reconciled, and Section 100 dissolved. Scott stayed home from a Thanksgiving trip to work on a course outline for his study group and take another test for Morris’s class. He reflects on the “enemy” that appeared in his dark moments of despair. He takes comfort knowing his experience wasn’t unique.

Chapter 4 Summary: “December and January—Exams (First Act)”

Morris returned the grades for both mock tests: Scott received a C for the written exam and a high grade for the multiple choice. Section 2 immediately compared grades, and Scott caught a glimpse of the imminent exam season frenzy. The school published the previous year’s exam questions, and study groups became more active. Stephen pushed the study group to create an outline for Criminal Law, and though the members resisted the laborious project, they agreed on its usefulness. Study sessions also led to gossiping about who was most likely to make the Review. Scott claimed that he would turn down the position, but Terry knew that anyone would feel pulled by the honor. Scott tried not to attach so much weight to achievements, but he secretly thought that the satisfaction of turning down the Review would be a great reward for his hard work.


As Christmas approached, an atmosphere of panic overwhelmed the 1Ls. Mann and Zechman both tried to offer advice, but they did little to ease the students’ fear. Turow uses his study group’s deteriorating relationships as an example of the extreme pressures of exam season. The men felt that Stephen’s standards for the outline were too strict, and the majority felt that Kyle wasn’t pulling his weight. Kyle admitted that he wouldn’t have his section done by Christmas, and Stephen wouldn’t be finished either, infuriating the other members.


Before class let out for Christmas, Section 2 attended a mock trial for the Legal Methods case, where real judges and lawyers acted out the case. Despite poor course evaluations, Mann ended his final class to applause. Scott and his classmates became deeply interested in Torts because of Zechman, so for his final class, they performed a skit of his hypotheticals and gave him a standing ovation. Scott and Annette traveled to Chicago, and Scott made sure he balanced his studying and celebrating. He realized how much of the world he’d missed out on. He had difficulty describing his experience to others, especially his criticisms of the school.


When Scott and Annette returned home, Scott faced the enormous task of parsing the term’s reading assignments and his notes. Turow describes the typical exam question, the “issue spotter.” Students must recognize the myriad rules that could apply to a case and the implications of those rules. Students criticize this question style because its emphasis on memorization runs contrary to the more conceptual discussions of class. Professors try to make questions more open-ended to mitigate this disparity. Scott’s study group realized that their meetings weren’t helpful, so they studied individually and talked on the phone. Scott felt physically ill with anxiety.


The night before the Torts exam, Scott quelled his nerves with sleeping pills and alcohol, but he stayed up until three o’clock in the morning. Scott woke a few hours later and chugged coffee to wake up. The Torts exam included three questions, and Scott worried that he wouldn’t write a thorough response for any of them. A rush of adrenaline pushed him through the exam, and he was sure he had passed. Scott and Terry had a celebratory lunch before Scott returned home to nap.


The next morning, Scott lamented the points he didn’t make on the exam, but he was grateful he would never feel the pressure of the first exam again. Scott was glad the Criminal Law exam was an eight-hour take-home test—an innovation at Harvard—because it gave him more time to plot out his answers. He picked up his exam from school and spent the first two hours slowly paging through the questions and law books. His panic-induced adrenaline hit, and he worked furiously until he returned his exam. Scott, Aubrey, Terry, and their wives celebrated by getting drunk.


Scott felt disappointed after exam season because all the work he had done throughout the term appeared irrelevant to the tests. Turow explains the long history of complaints about final exams in law school, as students would prefer more mid-term assignments and tests to count toward a cumulative grade. However, faculty are reluctant to change the system. As a student Scott couldn’t help but see the law exam as a rite of passage rather than a real marker of aptitude or mastery.

Chapters 3-4 Analysis

Turow claims that the events of these chapters comprise the rising action of the book’s narrative arc, as the conflicts intensify and Turow experiences his lowest moments as a first-year student. Several major events occur back-to-back that deteriorate his mental wellbeing and exacerbate The Psychological and Physical Stress of Rigorous Academic Programs. The first incident is his incorrect answer in Mann’s class: “I’d made a mistake. It wasn’t blunder of the year, but I felt horribly embarrassed—worse than that, corrosively ashamed” (103). The blow to Turow’s ego makes him retreat into himself, and he refuses to speak up in class again. Later, he does poorly on two key assignments, intensifying the feelings of shame that come to dominate his law school experience in this period. The consecutive failures nearly break Turow, and he goes so far as to set up an appointment with a psychiatrist. The competitive pressure of the school places him in a double bind: When he prepares thoroughly for all the tasks expected of him, the pressure is overwhelming; however, when he tries to give himself a break by studying less, he exposes himself to the shame of a poor performance. Ultimately, he counsels himself and vows to work sensibly while also prioritizing his mental health. To demonstrate the development of this skill, over the Christmas break he balances both his studying and family time, but he also allows himself to cram when he needs to.


A major event of these chapters is the Incident, which follows the students of Section 2 throughout the rest of their first-year education. Perini is usually harsh, but his uncharacteristic rudeness to Mooney and the other students causes him to lose the students’ respect, and they band together to fight back against their mistreatment. This incident illustrates the unspoken contract underlying the often-adversarial relationships between students and professors: Students sometimes resent Perini’s harshness, but they respect him for it so long as he treats them with respect. The moment he behaves disrespectfully, the students’ perception of him shifts. Rather than accepting him as a demanding mentor, they reject him as a bully. Turow describes the protest as novel, since “organized rebellion by a first-year section was virtually unheard of at Harvard Law School” (138). Although the students understand the specifics of the incident concern only Mooney and Perini, they also know that any of them could’ve been the victim, so they feel emboldened to protest, even as supporters dwindle. Tensions in the Contracts classroom grow, though Perini tries to reign himself in and move past it, but when information about the Incident and criticisms of Perini become public, many supporters of the original letter, including Turow, feel guilty for pressing the issue. The Incident influences not only the students’ behavior in the future, but also influences the professors, as they understand the power the students can wield in return to hurt their reputations.


With the threat of exams and grades looming—as well as the prospect of making the Review—Turow senses a reserved but strong atmosphere of competition among his classmates. Looking back, Turow uses this competitive atmosphere to explore The Link Between Competitive Ambition and Identity. Turow points out a cultural paradox within the student body: All the students are obsessed with rising to the top of the school’s competitive hierarchy, but no one wants to be seen as trying too hard. A complex performance emerges, in which students strive to be the best while hiding both the effort they put into their courses and the pride they take in their success. Despite the pressure to avoid appearing arrogant or overeager, students find that academic excellence is one of the few ways to claim an individual identity in a system that values measurable academic performance almost to the exclusion of all else. 


In such a large classroom, students feel like they become little more than numbers: “For many of us, then, the feeling had grown pronounced of being faceless, lost in the mob—and the only kind of distinction available was to be known as good, bright, quick, adept with the law” (104). Other kinds of distinction—being funny, or kind, or creative—are not available because the school environment offers no space in which to develop them. Students thus speak up in class both to prove themselves and to regain a sense of individual identity. Observers evaluate one another’s performances and take hints for themselves as to whether they are doing enough or need to be doing more to surpass each other. The competitiveness of the class elicits reactions of envy and loathing, especially toward those snidely nicknamed the “stars” who frequently interact positively with professors. Turow uses the example of Sandy Stern breaking the cardinal rule of not doing outside research to show the lengths to which the students will go to stay ahead. Sandy consults external sources when reading about the day’s case, and though the other students initially hiss this exertion, they too begin consulting historical records and legal scholarship to keep pace: “Many people felt a new pressure to consult sources other than the casebook, and to put even more time into study” (106). Such pressures destroy work-life balance, and students begin to build their entire identities around their studies.


The frenzy of trying to learn the language of law and to keep up with class reading gets exchanged for the frenzy of exam season, developing the theme The Psychological and Physical Stress in Rigorous Academic Programs. Turow watches as his classmates wear themselves thin from study, and he hears reports of the extreme lengths some of the students in the dorms are going through to master the course material: “The students who lived in the on-campus dorms reported that people were running up and down the hallways, shouting questions to each other, at all hours, night and day” (156). Turow highlights the additional pressures from his study group due to the Criminal Law course outline project. The outline is meant to help make sense of the course’s overall concepts and distill the most important information, but Turow thinks the scale of the project—due to Stephen’s strict standards—is greater than what will be useful in the exam. The outline compounds the normal stress of exams and causes in-fighting in the study group, leading the members to accuse each other of slacking off. Turow’s restless night before his first exam also exemplifies both the physical and emotional toll of facing the law exam. He resorts to mixing sleeping pills and alcohol to try to sleep, and even “began to flail at the mattress” (167) to get rid of the anxious feelings. When exams are over, Turow can’t feel fully relieved because the sheer exhaustion he experiences leaves him too wasted for anything other than numbness.


The other emotion Turow feels after exams is a nagging sense of disappointment. Compared to the extreme preparations, the exams were relatively succinct—only three or four questions each. Turow describes the exams as “quick-draw contests” (172) that hardly evaluate a student’s cumulative knowledge of the course. Some teachers try to mitigate this problem with the eight-hour take-home exam, but Turow still finds himself unable to outline a coherent, thorough answer for all the questions in the short amount of time. Turow also criticizes the exam structure, which he sees as one of The Weaknesses of Traditional Legal Education. Rather than testing the more abstract, higher-concept discussions that were had in class, the standard “issue spotter” exam focuses on identifying rules, which students hadn’t been asked to do throughout the year. Turow finds this to be a strange disconnect between the class content and exams, especially when so much weight is given to the exam for determining a student’s grade. Turow offers a suggestion to mitigate this issue: more assignments and tests that evaluate students throughout the term. To Turow, this will not only alleviate the pressures of exam season, but will also allow for a diversity of topics to be tested.

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