49 pages 1-hour read

The Gnostic Gospels

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1979

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Chapter 6-ConclusionChapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 6 Summary: “Gnosis: Self-Knowledge as Knowledge of God”

Although it was included in the New Testament, The Gospel of John was an important text for many gnostics. However, both the gnostics and the orthodox drew different conclusions from the stories of John. The orthodox interpreted the verses John 14: 5-6, in which Jesus says to the apostle Thomas, “I am the way, and the truth, and the life. No one comes to the Father except through me” (The New Oxford Annotated Bible. Oxford University Press, 1991.), as saying that Jesus (and by extension the orthodox church) was the sole source of truth, while the gnostic Gospel of Thomas instead reworked the same passage as saying that truth could belong to anyone.


As the orthodox church grew and became more organized, it could accept “many contradictory ideas and practices as long as the disputed elements supported its basic institutional structure” (120). For resistant groups like the gnostics, the orthodox church treated them as rival institutions.


The orthodox themselves argued that the institutional church was necessary to “approach God” (121). However, some gnostics like Valentinus went so far to argue that the divine itself is generated by humanity in the sense that humans “created the whole language of religious expression” (123). As a result, even gnostics who gathered in their own churches considered understanding of the self and knowledge of God to be identical.


The orthodox and the gnostics also disagreed over what alienated humans from God. The orthodox taught that sin separated humanity from God and led to suffering. Instead, for many gnostics, the source of humanity’s suffering is “ignorance” (124). Like modern psychiatry, gnostic thought argues that people cannot achieve true “fulfillment” (125) without gnosis and that every individual mind has the potential for either self-liberation or self-destruction. Only by struggling against the state of ignorance, which gnostic sources compare to being unconscious or drunk, can gnosis be achieved. For gnostics, the Kingdom of God that Jesus speaks of is not a place, but “a state of transformed consciousness” (129).


Gnosticism acknowledges a “need for guidance” (131) early in one’s spiritual journey, but argues that in order to achieve self-awareness, people must outgrow that need. In gnostic texts, the relationship between Jesus and his disciples demonstrates this growth.


Another difference between gnostic and orthodox thought was in the “significance of events” (132). The orthodox emphasized history, from the history of Israel to the life and crucifixion of Jesus. Instead, gnosticism focuses on language and the unconsciousness, specifically how divine truths are expressed in symbolic language and images. Here again, Pagels draws parallels between gnosticism and modern psychology, particularly the psychoanalytic methods of Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung. Through mastering this type of internal knowledge and acknowledging the limits of human understanding, one becomes not only a Christian, but a Christ themselves.


Practically speaking, gnostic teaching had more limits than orthodox Christianity. Many important gnostic teachings were not written down. Instead, they were shared only orally with disciples. Becoming a gnostic initiate also required years of effort. This is why “the religious perspectives and methods of gnosticism did not lend themselves to mass religion” (140). Instead, the orthodox had the advantages of institutional organization, public rituals, and a simple process of conversion.

Conclusion Summary

The traditional historical narrative about Christianity was dominated by the orthodox church, who had the power to describe their enemies as heretics and present their victory as “inevitable.” Pagels argues that the rediscovery of the manuscripts challenges this narrative, suggesting that Christianity survived because of “the organizational and theological structure” (142) of the orthodox church.


The discovery has challenged modern historians’ view of the conflict between gnostics and orthodox as a clash of ideas. Because the orthodox and gnostic understandings of “human experience” (143) varied, Pagels suggests orthodoxy and gnosticism appealed to different types of individuals. Gnostic thought focused on a rejection of the body and the belief that evil comes from negative emotions that emerge from human experience. This pain and evil inherent to human life could only be dealt with by realizing the truth of human nature and its relationship to the universe. In sum, gnostics had to overcome suffering in the material world by discovering “the divine within” (144). Along with this, gnostics believed religious truths came from “immediate experience” (145).


Orthodox Christianity instead stressed interpersonal relationships. Instead of coming from bad emotional experiences, suffering and evil come from emotional and physical harm done to others. Unlike the gnostics, orthodox Christianity viewed the physical world as a positive creation of God, and God’s experience of becoming physically human as Jesus Christ was central to orthodox theology. Reflecting this view of “ordinary life” as “sacred” (147), the orthodox developed rituals that conferred sacredness on ordinary life events such as meals, marriage, childbirth, and so on—a tradition derived from Jewish religious practice.


Still, the orthodox and gnostic traditions could both find evidence from the New Testament. For gnostics, the Gospels described how Jesus Christ urged his followers to leave their families and wealth and “insisted on truth at all costs” (148). At the same time, the Gospels showed Jesus blessing marriage and children, among other actions that supported the orthodox view.


Even with the victory of orthodox Christianity through its institutional power and broader appeal, gnosticism did not disappear completely, but it was forced “underground.” Even if they were not familiar with the original gnostic authors, Pagels argues that medieval and Reformation-era writers like Jacob Boehme and George Fox expressed gnostic ideas. While even Protestant Christianity retains much of the orthodox perspective, the rediscovery of the Nag Hammadi texts show how “we can understand why certain creative persons throughout the ages […] were fascinated by the figure of Christ” (150). In the modern era, the rediscovery of the texts coincides with an era in which scholars are more open to the questions about early Christianity that the texts raise.

Chapter 6-Conclusion Analysis

Though gnostic beliefs were diverse and not always consistent, they centered around The Primacy of Direct Spiritual Knowledge. Pagels identifies gnostic Christianity with the following constellation of ideas: Gnostics emphasized the individual, practiced egalitarianism in groups and between women and men, venerated spiritual experiences, distrusted the body and the physical world, traced the origins of suffering and evil to ignorance, and believed that knowledge of the divine came mainly or entirely from within. In contrast, orthodox Christianity focused on hierarchical relationships, viewed suffering and evil as a result of sins and harms committed in relationships, tended to argue that women should be subordinate to men, and believed that knowledge of God had to be mediated through priests and other authorities. Gnostic belief sought “experiential truth” (133) rather than the authority found in external and prescribed sources, such as the interpretations of bishops, rituals, or texts.


Still, throughout The Gnostic Gospels, Pagels admits that these categories are not absolute and have numerous exceptions. Despite their differences, gnostic and orthodox Christianity drew on the same traditions and texts (with the exception of specifically gnostic sources that were rejected from the orthodox canon, such as The Gospel of Thomas). Pagels argues that the differences between the two camps can be found in something even more fundamental than divisions in religious belief and practice, writing, “Gnosticism and orthodoxy […] articulated very different kinds of human experience; I suspect that they appealed to different types of persons” (143). Given Pagels’s overarching thesis about the political impact of religious beliefs—that institutions shape persons as much as persons shape institutions—the gradual disappearance of the gnostic churches may have meant that the modes of being and thinking exemplified by those churches became unavailable. Here, the book implies a counterfactual—an invitation to imagine how different the modern world might look if gnostic views of Christianity had survived or even won out over “orthodox” views. 


The conflict between gnostic and orthodox Christianity emerges in part from the motivations of people becoming Christians. Pagels writes that “conflicts arose in the formation of Christianity between those restless, inquiring people who marked out a solitary path of self-discovery and the institutional framework that gave to the great majority of people religious sanction and ethical direction for their daily lives” (149). As the orthodox church solidified itself as an institution, it came increasingly to view the gnostic rejection of hierarchy as a threat: 


When Irenaeus denounced the heretics as “gnostics,” he referred less to any specific doctrinal agreement among them (indeed, he often castigated them for the variety of their beliefs) than to the fact that they all resisted accepting the authority of the clergy, the creed, and the New Testament canon (122). 


Pagels suggests that The Subjective Distinction Between Orthodoxy and Heresy is most evident in how the orthodox church was able to accept the monastic movement, which like the gnostics emphasized insularity, because it made itself subordinate to church authority.


In Pagels’s view, the gnostic focus on the interior self makes the discovery of the Nag Hammadi manuscripts especially timely. Many scholars argue that the distinguishing feature of modernity is its emphasis on the individual and its valorization of direct experience as a means of acquiring knowledge. These are the same key features by which Pagels defines gnosticism, suggesting that modern readers may be better suited to appreciate gnostic thought than many of the gnostics’ contemporaries were. She argues that “our own cultural experience has given us a new perspective on the issues” that gnostic writings raise (151). She particularly finds a similarity between gnostic belief and the modern science of psychotherapy, writing, “Both gnosticism and psychotherapy value, above all, knowledge—the self-knowledge which is insight” (124). Such observations have fueled criticisms that Pagels misreads the gnostics, by assessing their beliefs through a modern interpretive lens. Pagels explicitly denies this. Her stated goal “is not to advocate any side, but to explore the evidence—in this instance, to attempt to discover how Christianity originated” (151). For her, the question The Gnostic Gospels seeks to answer is why did orthodox Christianity not only survive, but thrive, while gnostic Christianity went underground and vanished from history. Her answer derives from her overarching belief that religion and politics are inextricably intertwined: Orthodox Christianity had characteristics that lent itself to the increase of institutional power. It was easy to become an “orthodox” Christian, but difficult to challenge the church’s leadership from within. This combination of openness and authoritarianism meant that the orthodox church could expand indefinitely while its beliefs and power structures remained relatively stable. In the late 20th century, as orthodox forms of Christianity find themselves increasingly at odds with modern, liberal culture, Pagels argues that gnosticism holds a particular appeal.

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