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In 1945, in the town of Nag Hammadi in Egypt, a peasant farmer named Muhammad ‘Ali al-Samman was digging for a nitrogen-rich soil used as fertilizer when he discovered a buried jar containing 13 manuscripts. Not knowing what they were, he brought them home, where his mother burned some of them to provide a fire. Around the same time, Muhammad and his brothers killed a man they blamed for the death of their father. The brothers feared that the police who came to investigate the killing would discover and confiscate the manuscripts, so they left a few of them with a priest, who showed them to a local history teacher. From there, the manuscripts ended up in the black market of antiquities in Cairo. Most of the manuscripts were confiscated by the authorities and given to the Coptic Museum in Cairo. Much of the 13th codex was sold in the United States and found by a professor of religion in the Netherlands, Professor Gilles Quispel. By 1952, 12 of the manuscripts and part of a 13th belonged to the Coptic Museum, while the rest of the 13th manuscript had been sold to the Jung Foundation in Zurich.
The discovered manuscripts included completely unknown writings about Jesus Christ or attributed to Jesus’s apostles and Paul from the era of early Christianity, including The Gospel of Thomas, The Gospel of Philip, The Gospel of Truth, The Gospel to the Egyptians, The Secret Book of James, The Apocalypse of Paul, The Letter of Peter to Philip, and The Apocalypse of Peter. They were Coptic translations from “about 1,500 years ago” (xvi) of older Greek writings. The dating of the manuscripts and the quotations they contain has been controversial: Most scholars date them to around 150 CE, although one scholar, Professor Helmut Koester, argued that the Gospel of Thomas contains quotes dating as far back as 50 BCE (xvii), making them older than the canonical Gospels of the New Testament.
The texts preserved radically different perspectives on Christianity. Some challenge core Christian doctrines such as the virgin birth and the bodily resurrection of Jesus. The Testimony of Truth is a version of Genesis telling the story of the temptation of Adam and Eve from the perspective of the serpent. In it, “the serpent […] convinces Adam and Eve to partake of knowledge while ‘the Lord’ threatens them with death” (xvii).
Such writings belonged to Christians condemned as heretics as early as the second century CE. A second century bishop, Irenaeus, condemned heretical writings in his own work, with references to texts found in the manuscripts including The Apocryphon of John and The Gospel of Truth. When the government of the Roman Empire became Christian, such works were outlawed, which was likely why the manuscripts were buried, “possibly” by “a monk from a nearby monastery of St. Pachomius.”
The manuscripts were produced by Christians known among modern scholars as “gnostics,” a term that comes from the Greek word for gnosis, meaning “knowing through observation or experience” (xix). In the view of the gnostics, self-knowledge leads to knowledge of God. Nearly all of the writings found among the Nag Hammadi manuscripts are gnostic.
While orthodox Christian and Jewish theologies view God as fundamentally separate from humanity, some gnostic writers argue that God is synonymous with the spiritual self. To attain perfect self-knowledge, then, is to know God. In the so-called “Gnostic Gospels,” Jesus speaks of “illusion and enlightenment, not of sin and repentance” (xx) and is not distinct from humanity. Modern scholars have pointed out the similarities between gnostic thought and ideas from Hinduism and Buddhism. Since Thomas is traditionally believed to be the apostle who spread Christianity to India, the title of The Gospel of Thomas may be a hint of such influences.
The existence of gnostic texts raises the question of what counts as Christianity. Traditionally, Christianity has been presented as uniform in its early years. Instead, the gnostic texts suggest that “early Christianity is far more diverse” (xxii). For modern Christianity, most Christian groups share three beliefs: the apostolic creed, the legitimacy of the New Testament, and “specific forms of church institutions” (xxiii). By the third century CE, Christianity had become an organized institution able to sustain a defined orthodoxy and punish heresy. No original sources were known describing gnostic beliefs, aside from the writings of orthodox Christians denouncing them, until several texts discovered in Egypt—The Gospel of Mary and The Apocryphon of John—were transcribed and published by the late 19th century.
The Nag Hammadi manuscripts were not published until 1972 due to conflicts between academics. An edition with photographs of the manuscripts would be published after the intervention of the United Nations cultural agency, UNESCO. Elaine Pagels herself wrote her dissertation “on the controversy between gnostic and orthodox Christianity” (xxviii). She also became involved in transcribing the manuscripts and in producing the first complete edition in English, which was published in 1977.
Early Christian writings about the gnostics accused them of not being genuine Christians and of being inspired by Greek philosophy, magic, and other influences. Late 19th-century writers viewed gnostics as developing “false, hybrid forms of Christian teaching” (xxix), combining Christianity with Greek philosophy. Later scholars instead argued that gnosticism was a religious movement that predated Christianity and was influenced by movements in Judaism and Zoroastrianism.
By 1934, Professor Hans Jonas argued that gnosticism was a “philosophy of pessimism” (xxx) emerging out of the meeting between Greek and Eastern cultures and a sense of cultural and political stagnation in the first two centuries CE. At the same time, Walter Bauer instead argued that gnosticism may have, at one time, been the majority and orthodox view of Christianity. The discovery of the Nag Hammadi manuscripts introduced a wealth of new evidence into the debate.
From this new evidence, many scholars have argued that gnosticism “was a widespread movement that derived its sources from various traditions” (xxxii). Although most of the texts are Christian, they also reflect pagan and Jewish traditions. Other scholars argued that gnosticism “originated in a potentially universal ‘experience of the self’” (xxxiii) or from mystic beliefs shared with certain groups in Judaism.
There are three branches of research into gnostic Christianity. The first branch investigates the connections between gnosticism and Hellenistic philosophy; the second engages in literary analysis of the texts and how they have been influenced by Jewish writings; and the third asks what gnostic writings reveal about the origins of Christianity. Pagels writes that her own approach is not to investigate the origins of gnosticism, but how “gnostic forms of Christianity interact with orthodoxy—and what this tells us about the origins of Christianity itself” (xxxiv).
Gnostics express views antithetical to orthodox Christianity. These include the idea that the resurrection of Jesus Christ should be seen as a symbolic event rather than a literal one, the claim that God is both “Father and Mother” (xxxv), and a challenge to the idea that sin originates with humanity. These views were not accepted by orthodox Christianity for “religious and philosophic reasons” (xxxvii), but they also reveal ancient social and political controversies that shaped the development of Christianity.
Christianity’s claim that Jesus was resurrected from the dead was unique in ancient thought, especially because The Gospel of Luke insists that the resurrected Jesus was not a spirit or a vision but a living man in a corporeal body. The text specifies that Jesus could be touched and that he and ate and drank. In The Gospel of John, the apostle Thomas doubts the physical reality of the resurrection, and Jesus directs Thomas to thrust his hand into the wound in his side as proof that his body is physically real. The early Christian writer Tertullian described heretics who found the resurrection difficult to believe and instead argued that Jesus was a spirit. Orthodox Christianity demands the belief that Jesus was bodily resurrected.
However, other stories from the New Testament also describe Jesus appearing in other forms. The gospels of Luke and Mark also state that Jesus appeared in “‘another form’” (5) while The Gospel of John says that Jesus asked Mary Magdalene not to touch him. Pagels argues that the doctrine of bodily resurrection “serves an essential political function” (6) for orthodox Christians, giving power to the bishops of Rome who claimed to be the successors of the apostle Peter.
This was especially important given the large number of rival Christian leaders who claimed to represent the actual doctrine laid down by Jesus. Orthodox Christians reacted by claiming that Jesus had suggested Peter was his “successor” both during his life and after his resurrection. Importantly, Peter’s legitimacy also came from his claim to be the “‘first witness of the resurrection’” (8) against identical claims made concerning Jesus’s brother, James, and Mary Magdalene and the New Testament’s statements that “Jesus appeared to many others besides Peter—Paul says that once he appeared to five hundred people simultaneously” (9). The orthodox Christian leadership determined that only certain appearances by the resurrected Jesus conferred legitimacy.
This allowed orthodox Christians to control who holds leadership, restricting it “to a small band of persons whose members stand in a position of incontestable authority” (10). By positioning the apostles as holding special authority from Jesus, the clergy of the orthodox Christian Church created the foundation of a permanent hierarchy in which every successive generation of Christian leaders claims its legitimacy from the apostles. The Roman Catholic pope, for example, is considered the direct successor of Peter.
Gnostic Christians overturned this view of authority by arguing that Jesus’s resurrection “was not a unique event in the past” (11), but a symbolic event that anyone in the present can experience spiritually and emotionally. They believed that even the apostles often misunderstood the true meaning of Jesus’s teachings and that Mary Magdalene was the first witness of Jesus’s resurrection, with The Gospel of Mary describing Jesus as being always spiritually present for his followers. Gnostic texts present Mary Magdalene as challenging the authority of the apostles Peter and Andrew.
Gnosticism argued that in addition to Jesus’s public teachings, there were also secret teachings he gave only to selected followers. This was rooted in the New Testament’s account of Jesus speaking in parables and about mysteries and Paul’s references to “‘hidden mysteries’” and “‘secret wisdom’” (15). The gnostic teacher and poet Valentinus claimed to have learned Paul’s hidden teachings from Paul’s own acolyte, Theudas.
The gospels of the gnostics describe how the spiritual Jesus appeared to the disciples and taught them the true, secret mysteries. Unlike the orthodox account of the resurrection, Jesus does not appear in a physical body but “as a luminous presence speaking out of the light, or he transforms himself into multiple forms” (16). Orthodox writers like Irenaeus attacked such claims, insisting the canonical gospels of the New Testament were actually written by the apostles, but some modern historians have questioned such authorship. Some gnostic authors claimed that their texts came from the apostles, although others admitted “that they derived their gnosis from their own experience” (18).
Gnosis was seen as expressed sometimes in creative work. The “gnostics considered original creative invention to be the mark of anyone who becomes spiritually alive” (19). Some gnostic writers cited only their own intuition as their source of authority, since for them it meant communicating directly with the divine.
Nonetheless, there were also gnostic claims to be holding traditions inherited from people who knew Jesus. However, such traditions were derived from sources other than the apostles, like Jesus’s brother, James; Mary Magdalene; or Paul. One group, the Sethians, even claimed to derive their authority from Seth, the third child of Adam and Eve. When gnostic texts do cite the apostles as an authority, their connection to the apostles derives from spiritual visions they had many decades after Jesus’s crucifixion.
Christians agreed that Jesus was the ultimate source of legitimacy. However, a major division between the orthodox and the gnostics was who could claim that legitimacy in the present. The gnostics argued that authority derived from “direct, personal contact” (25) with the divine. By contrast, the orthodox “legitimized a hierarchy of persons through whose authority all others must approach God” (27).
The discovery of the Nag Hammadi manuscripts significantly expanded historians’ and religious scholars’ understanding of gnostic Christianity, a range of beliefs that had been deliberately suppressed by the early Christian church. Pagels summarizes the significance in this way: “The efforts of the majority to destroy every trace of heretical ‘blasphemy’ proved so successful that, until the discoveries at Nag Hammadi, nearly all our information concerning alternative forms of early Christianity came from the massive orthodox attacks upon them” (xxiv). This erasure points to The Subjective Distinction Between Orthodoxy and Heresy. As the institutions of Christianity solidified, with power centralizing in the Roman Church, Christian authorities defined themselves as “orthodox” (literally “right-thinking”) and dismissed any contrasting beliefs as heretical. The consequence was that many ideas about the nature of the divine were lost to history.
Pagels emphasizes that this discovery has opened up new ways to understand the development of Christianity in the context of ancient Rome. By comparing what the gnostics and orthodox believed and why only the latter beliefs survived and thrived, Pagels argues, one can gain greater insight into how Christianity went from a small Jewish sect to a major world religion. For example, by examining the theological dispute between the orthodox and gnostics over the matter of Jesus’s resurrection, Pagels demonstrates how and why the resurrection “proved critical in shaping the Christian movement into an institutional religion” (25). This line of inquiry aligns with Pagels’s interest in The Political Impact of Religious Beliefs on Gender and Power. Throughout the book, she aims to show that ideas about God are also tools in a competition for power and influence. If orthodox theology won out over gnostic theology, in effect becoming “orthodox,” it is in part because these ideas had greater political appeal.
Pagels is clear that gnostic and orthodox Christianity have much in common, and the disagreements between them often broke along explicitly political lines. Both hold Jesus Christ as a divine figure and important teacher while drawing from the same texts and traditions. Still, as the Nag Hammadi texts prove by their existence, there were some texts expressing gnostic views that were never accepted as canonical, and this is often because such views challenge the authority of church leaders.
Gnostic ideas had been challenged since almost Christianity’s beginning, if the New Testament’s story about “the gnostic teacher Simon Magus” (45) is true. The presence of gnostic ideas from very early in Christianity’s history supports two key points by Pagels. The first point is that even the orthodox church accepted basic concepts that could be described as “gnostic” from sources like The Gospel of John, as long as they could be made compatible with the authority of the church hierarchy (119-122). The second of Pagels’s core arguments through The Gnostic Gospels is that “politics and religion coincide in the development of Christianity” (xxxvi). This is not to say that political and social developments and circumstances entirely shape religious ideas and their success or failure. Instead, both the religious and the political/social were interwoven and mutually reenforcing.
Many of the differences stem from the gnostic belief in The Primacy of Direct Spiritual Knowledge. This deviation in emphasis would have a profound influence over gnosticism, with The Gospel of Mary asserting that “whoever ‘sees the Lord’ through inner vision can claim that his or her own authority equals, or surpasses, that of the Twelve—and of their successors” (14). As Pagels argues throughout The Gnostic Gospels, such interpretations would fundamentally shape the ways in which gnostic Christians set themselves apart. These ways include both ideas (the belief in the importance of gnosis over a simple conversion experience) and practices (decentralized organization that avoided hierarchies).
Notably, in the Introduction, Pagels does not explicitly discuss at length the category of gnostic Christianity itself. While later historians have questioned whether this category is valid (See: Critical Context), Pagels herself does not necessarily present gnostic Christianity as an organized collective. She does write of a “widespread movement that derived its sources from various traditions” (xxxii) and about organized groups like the students of Valentinus (17). Still, Pagels never refers to gnostic Christianity as an organized, institutional church. Instead, Pagels suggests that gnosticism was a product of an early period in which Christians were in “communities scattered throughout the known world organized […] in ways that differed widely from one group to another” (xxiii), instead of anything like the “institutional religion” (xxxvi) with a well-defined hierarchy that orthodox Christianity had become by the third century. Pagels’s discussion of the organization of gnostic communities would be a basis for debates by later scholars over whether gnosticism existed as an actual religious group or just as a set of related ideas that were perhaps never adopted completely, but only to varying extents by different Christians.



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