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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of death.
Mr. Wickson offers Avis’s father a position as president of a new college. He repeats the warning that he gave Ernest and tells Dr. Cunningham that if he does not comply, the Oligarchy will walk on the faces of the working class. Cunningham is offended that Wickson has the power to determine university faculty and resists. Sierra Mills, the banks, and the press conspire to ruin Cunningham, and he loses his investments and home and is depicted as a violent radical. Undeterred and invigorated, Avis and her father move into a low-income area of San Francisco, and Avis marries Ernest. She writes down Ernest’s favorite poem about mortality and resilience and characterizes him as a selfless man who never fails to love her despite his travails and exhaustion. Avis believes that he has a divine, immortal soul, while Ernest views himself as a physicalist who believes only in the material world. Avis devotes herself to her husband and the socialist cause and works as his secretary. She finds strength in their love and convictions.
Meredith’s footnote describes the excessive attention that descendants of the first American colonists paid to bloodlines and genealogy and comments that the blood eventually became diffuse and present in almost every American.
Bishop Morehouse is committed to a psychiatric hospital. Once released, he no longer preaches against the rich, and Avis concludes that he has succumbed to the ruling class’s pressures. The Bishop sells all his belongings and disappears. Avis later encounters him in the streets wearing tattered clothes and carrying a bag of groceries. She follows him to a tenement where he aids an old woman who mends clothes for a meager wage. The woman describes her struggle to survive and the death of her daughter by the machines. Avis learns about the destitution in her neighborhood and recalls Ernest’s claim that systemic change and not charity will alleviate societal problems.
The Bishop returns with Avis to her home and recounts his new life. He had secretly sold his belongings and deposited his money in untraceable accounts. He thanks Ernest for enlightening him to the ways that capitalism robs the laborer and now spends his days clandestinely feeding the hungry with his savings. He realizes the true value of money and feels genuinely happy that he is doing God’s work. A week later, the Bishop is discovered by the authorities and re-committed. Ernest concludes that society has deemed the redistribution of wealth a mental disorder.
In the fall of 1912, Ernest is elected to Congress, and Avis credits the fall of William Randolf Hearst and the Democratic Party for creating an opening for the Socialist Party. The socialists hope to gain the support of farmers, but the Grange Party divides the strength of their numbers. The Socialist Party believes that the country is ripe for change, but Ernest does not underestimate the Plutocracy’s power. Avis criticizes the farm trusts that transform farmers into serfs and the vagrancy laws that punish the starving. The Plutocracy continues to slander the socialists as aberrations and divides the proletariat from potential alliances with the middle class, the Church, and farmers. Avis laments that the elected officials of the Socialist Party will be ineffective without power and that officials from the Grange Party will be denied their elected positions in the spring when the incumbents refuse to retire. She criticizes the Oligarchy’s opportunism in supporting war with Germany to build the military and dominate the world economy. The Everhards hold a secret meeting in their home with Western socialists and organize an international general strike. The war is called off, and the German emperor is dethroned by socialist leadership and becomes a socialist state. The US Oligarchy maintains their power and convinces the American public that they have eliminated an economic rival.
Meredith’s footnotes describe William Randolf Hearst’s newspaper empire, the exorbitant price of advertising during Ernest’s time, and the history of the Roman yeoman and their demise. The footnotes also discuss the international socialist organization’s anti-war stance and belief that war is fought by the working class to benefit the capitalists.
By early January 1913, violent revolutions have broken out in countries around the world. Governments respond to American imperialism by reforming into socialist commonwealths. The new socialist states question why the US is lagging. The Everhards convene a meeting in their home with labor unions to organize another general strike. An alliance with the Grangers fuels their optimism for change, but the president of the Machinists’ Association declares that they are beaten and that Ernest has to look out for the interests of his own men. Ernest surmises that he has struck a deal with the Oligarchy and concludes that the Iron Heel has won. He anticipates the defection of the most powerful unions and the creation of labor castes that favor those that support corporate industries. Ernest predicts that the growing surplus wealth will be funneled into building extravagant “wonder cities” (226), achievements in science, and the transformation of oligarchs into “art-lovers” (226), all the while perpetuating the subjugation of the working class. He envisions future clashes where the oligarchs and working class will have turns at ruling, but it will take centuries if not millennia for the common people to permanently rise. Avis disagrees with Ernest, and as she writes on the eve of the Second Revolt, she believes that the Revolution will succeed in overthrowing the Oligarchy.
Meredith’s footnotes provide historical examples of when the courts blocked labor reforms in 1905 in Pennsylvania and New York. Another footnote mentions James Farley, a real strike breaker during London’s time, and his fictional assassination at the hands of a wife whose husband was murdered by one of Farley’s men. The footnotes also describe the marvelous cities of Ardis and Asgard that were built by the oligarchs and continue to stand centuries later. Meredith writes from Ardis.
By late January 1913, the Oligarchy rewards the favored unions for breaking with international organizations and grants them better conditions and higher wages that unorganized labor must pay for. Avis calls this new system “grab-sharing” (229). Members of the favored unions are regarded as traitors and are subject to threats and violence from the general working class. They relocate to protected neighborhoods with better schools and sanitation while conditions for the general working class degrade. On the world stage, parts of Western Europe form socialist commonwealths while England struggles to hold onto its colonies. The US Iron Heel supports countries that suppress socialists, and Japan dominates Asia as an imperial power by suppressing its own proletariat revolutions. The US contends with violence and civil unrest as religious revivals surge and armed forces are deployed. Opponents of the Oligarchy are imprisoned, institutionalized, or executed. The socialists believe that the millions of discontents will rise and that their elected officials will change Congress and the government. Ernest responds by asking them how many rifles they have.
Meredith’s footnote discusses the real figure of P. M. Arthur, president of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers union, who later cooperated with companies and withdrew from a railroad strike.
In these chapters, the ruling class’s power escalates to an even larger scale, demonstrating that power is not something simply held by individuals but something structural and perpetuated in vast institutions. In the previous chapters, the capitalists targeted individuals like Avis, Dr. Cunningham, and the Bishop by punishing them through the university, Church, and press. Now, the reach of their power has expanded into the banks, the healthcare system, and national and international politics. Cunningham loses his investments and his home without the need for physical violence since the capitalist system facilitates the suppression of critics through institutions that already exist. Avis declares, “The machinery of society was in the hands of those who were bent on breaking him” (180). The metaphor of machinery connotes the systemic and interconnected ways that different institutions, like gears in a machine, perpetuate social injustices. The metaphor implicates the institutions that allow these injustices to not only happen but also function and operate.
London uses a series of reversals to criticize the hypocrisy of the ruling class. The Bishop’s re-commitment to a psychiatric hospital is an ironic punishment that demonstrates the normalization of greed, as his act of sharing his wealth is interpreted as “crazy” (203). Knowledge is discouraged in the university, healthcare facilities are prisons, and the press silences stories. Ernest exclaims with outrage, “The daily press? The daily suppressage!” (116). In one of the novel’s extended metaphors, the working class is often compared to beasts to connote their dehumanized treatment and degraded living conditions. Ernest does not try to alter the representation of the working person as an animal. Instead, when speaking of his deceased father, he states, “He was made into a broken-down beast by his masters, the arch-beasts” (109-10). The true monsters are the capitalist class, and the statement highlights the theme of Capitalism as a Dehumanizing System. London juxtaposes images of dilapidated housing and petty crimes of the struggling proletariat with descriptions of the “parasitic and idle rich” and the “organized wolf-pack of society” (110, 190). One begets the other, and Ernest proclaims that disease, cruelty, and barbarity are the essential features of the capitalist class.
One of the main conflicts in these chapters is the difficulty of achieving unity on a grand scale and the tension between solidarity and division. The stage is no longer the city of San Francisco but the world, where the Oligarchy seeks to profit from a war with Germany and gives foreign aid to countries that suppress socialist revolutions. Yet the stage for resistance has also expanded to international workers who united in a successful general strike. Ernest declares, “Never was there so fine a display of the solidarity and the power of labor. Labor can and will rule the world” (219), echoing the historical rallying cry “Workers of the world, unite!” from Marx and Engel’s The Communist Manifesto (1848). Ernest has transformed from the young orator on a soapbox into an elected official with socialist colleagues in Congress and an audience across the world. The stakes are raised as the seeds of revolution are planted on a global scale, creating a sense of an indomitable force of international solidarity and real change.
Despite the successes of the socialists in the US and overseas, Ernest foretells that the Oligarchy will nevertheless rise to power and defeat them due to the lack of substantial ideological change in the US. Although war with Germany is averted due to the general strike, the US struggles to maintain its revolutionary momentum and reverts to what it understands best—a hierarchical model for production and survival that echoes the insularity of nationalism over the solidarity of internationalism. During his meeting with labor union leaders, Ernest concludes that genuine cooperation is elusive when one of the defectors responds to his call for solidarity with his own ideological slogans. O’Connor, the president of the Association of Machinists touts, “Charity begins at home,” and he further asserts, “[W]e know what’s best for us […] [I]t’s my business to consider the interests of the men I represent” (221). Instead of challenging capitalism, some of the leaders have opted to accept the status quo, either out of defeatism or out of a genuine belief that it is better to gain limited rewards in an exploitative system than nothing at all.
The chapter in which Ernest praises the solidarity of international workers is titled “The Beginning of the End,” foreshadowing the fracturing of the US socialist movement and the implementation of labor castes. The ease of their division relies on the uncritical acceptance of the capitalist logic of “ambition” and “competition” (224). London depicts a society that does not engage critically with the status quo, alluding to the theme of Class Consciousness as a Path to Solidarity and Revolution. Without much coercion, the men take the Oligarch’s offer to break with the strikes, and Ernest comments, “Caste lines formed automatically” (231). Without an ideological shift in the way that society and culture understand labor, the capitalist modes of exploitation reign, masquerading as individuality and upward social mobility.



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