49 pages 1-hour read

The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2013

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Chapter 7-ConclusionChapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary: “‘Any Move to Show We Are Dissatisfied’: Mrs. Parks in the Black Power Era”

Despite the fable of the civil rights movement that painted Parks as a dignified lady who was wholly committed to nonviolent protest, she believed strongly in self-defense and played a significant role in the Black Power movement. In one interview, Parks remarked, “I’m in favor of any move to show that we are dissatisfied” (201). She was increasingly frustrated with the sentiment she saw in the news that painted a picture of Black Americans as satisfied with their status, reminding her of the pressure she felt as a little girl to always put on the appearance of happiness and contentment for white people. She understood the need for the Black Power movement; for Parks, nonviolent action was fine so long as the opposing side was reacting and changing. Her involvement with militant Black activism is in stark contrast to the stereotypes of the Black Power movement and to the fable of her activism.


Reporters rarely asked Parks about her continued activism, always assuming that it ended with the bus boycott. She rarely volunteered information about her political life, perhaps because of the consequences of the publicity of the boycott for her and her family. However, Malcolm X was her hero. Like her, he believed in the power of and need for self-defense. She met him three times, and he was as delighted to speak with her and gain her wisdom as she was to speak with him. Although she did not join the Freedom Now Party, Parks supported the cause by making appearances and following their work. She was especially impressed with his focus on the idea that Black Americans were satisfied with the status quo. One week before he was assassinated, Parks heard him speak and asked him to sign her program.


While preparing for a march on April 8, 1968, King was shot on the balcony of his hotel room. Rosa felt numb after both of these losses. At King’s funeral, she and other Black activists witnessed reporters’ attempts to alter his legacy by ignoring the meaning and focus of his resistance. Like Parks, King was destined to become a figure and symbol of nonviolence, separate from the determined and increasingly powerful assertiveness of his political resistance. Despite the inaccurate ways that she was represented, Parks’s activism remained robust. She followed militant groups and sometimes participated with them in political endeavors. She attended a national conference on Black power in 1968. Parks also criticized the criminal justice system’s treatment of Black defendants and fought for justice for the victims of sexual violence. She also sought the impeachment of President Richard Nixon and urged others to keep fighting.


In the meantime, her health continued to deteriorate. Her husband, her mother, and her brother all developed cancer, and Parks toggled between three different hospitals, visiting each one. All three family members died within two years, and she felt the effects of these losses. Still, she continued to fight. 

Conclusion Summary: “‘Racism Is Still Alive’: Negotiating the Politics of Being a Symbol”

In the conclusion of the book, Theoharis grapples with the symbolization of Rosa Parks, just as the activist did during her lifetime. In August 1994, Rosa Parks was mugged in her home by a young Black man. Media reports quickly turned the incident into a metaphor for the lack of morality among Black youths, but her views did not align with this narrative. As always, she challenged the systems that would position someone to be in such need that he would take such desperate measures.


Parks struggled with the demure picture painted of her. She was frustrated that she had to spend her life speaking about the bus boycott, and she found the constant reliving of these memories painful. She wished that young people knew more about other activists, like Gray, who contributed strongly throughout the civil rights movement. She watched as King’s legacy became watered down and reduced to being only about peace and nonviolence. When President Bill Clinton awarded her the Congressional Gold Medal in 1999, he, like so many at King’s funeral, spoke about the civil rights movement in the past tense. The narrative was that the need for action was over because civil rights won. This idea was in direct contrast to Parks’s beliefs and the battle she continued to fight throughout her life.


Her death furthered this narrative. Public opinion focused on her death as the marking of a “postracial society” (241). The fable of Parks came with a tidy resolution: Discrimination was over. However, she understood that the fight for racial justice was never-ending. Throughout her life, she resisted the idea that Black Americans should be satisfied with what they were given, never to ask for more. The media-constructed version of Parks that was held up as a symbol was a cheap representation of the complex and nuanced life of the woman who believed in the continued pursuit of human rights “by any means necessary,” as advocated for by her friend Malcolm X

Chapter 7-Conclusion Analysis

Parks’s ties to the Black Power movement and the need for self-defense in political activism find their roots in her childhood. She learned early that when she fought back, she was able to accomplish something. When the mother of a boy she pushed in self-defense threatened to press charges against her, Parks learned that by standing up to the mother, she was able to change the outcome of events. This taught her that it took more than just nonviolent protest to pursue a cause: Strength was also needed.


Parks understood that sometimes a little roughness was necessary. She appreciated that Malcolm X did not exhibit the complacency that she perceived in many of her peers and in the NAACP. He challenged the idea that Black Americans were content with what they were given. For her, this notion mirrored what she was told as a little girl, that to stay safe she must put on a face of satisfaction for white people and always smile. This was “The Legacy of Rebellion.” Parks’s grandfather distrusted white people and would not allow his grandchildren to play in white homes. He took a more militant view of challenging the racist structures that dictated their lives. Parks, however, believed in a balance of nonviolent protest and a show of force. She learned early in life that strength was a powerful tool that could be wielded against oppression and discrimination.


However, this belief contradicted the symbolized version of her—demure, meek, and prim. Once again, the narrative surrounding Parks and the civil rights movement denied the complex reality of the struggle. Her image erases Parks’s admiration of Malcolm X and close support of Black militant movements in favor of a nonthreatening view of her, allowing the public to position her activism as a single act that belongs to a completed struggle from a distant, racist past. Throughout her life, Parks was an enigma whose reality deviated from the glossy symbol she became.


Theoharis attempts to understand the role of the fable in the successes of the civil rights movement, as well as its role in its failures. The theme of “The Narrative of Rosa Parks and the Civil Rights Movement” focuses on the use of her image as a means of distraction and sedation. For Parks, however, her symbolization also mobilized citizens to fight against racist powers and enabled others to flourish. The fables constructed about the civil rights movement and the symbol of Parks perpetuated the idea that racism was over and America was a postracial society in which everyone could and should be satisfied.


When she was a child, Parks learned from her mother and her grandmother how to act in front of white people: Black people must always give an appearance of contentment to avoid provoking white anger. The fable of the civil rights movement was a continuation of this sentiment; it projected the idea that there was no longer a need for activism. This myth was rooted in the idea that Black people could now be content, and there was no need to demand more. Just as she knew this was wrong as a child, Parks understood that there was still plenty more that needed to be demanded. There was always more work to be done.


The work of Malcolm X and Black militants spoke to a piece of Parks that the symbolized version did not characterize. She believed in seeking social justice “by any means necessary” because she had seen the cost of living in a world without it. Her time working for the NAACP, carefully recording the stories of those victimized by white people and by racist power structures, informed her understanding of the importance of the civil rights movement. She was willing to publicly sacrifice pieces of her identity and become a symbol because she knew that she could do something in that role that would contribute to the greater good. However, the public’s acceptance of the symbolic version of Parks allowed the world to overlook the immense power and drive she devoted to her lifelong activism.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text

Unlock all 49 pages of this Study Guide

Get in-depth, chapter-by-chapter summaries and analysis from our literary experts.

  • Grasp challenging concepts with clear, comprehensive explanations
  • Revisit key plot points and ideas without rereading the book
  • Share impressive insights in classes and book clubs