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Liza MundyA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Content Warning: This section of the guide features depictions of gender discrimination, sexual harassment, graphic violence, emotional abuse, child sexual abuse, and death.
In 1986, Cindy Storer, a college senior fascinated by maps and puzzles, applied to the CIA from the College of William & Mary. Disqualified from military service due to childhood lung damage, she chose the Directorate of Intelligence over the Operations. The DI functioned as a massive classified publishing house producing “corporate products” for policymakers, with the core mission of preventing another Pearl Harbor by detecting “discontinuities”—sudden, world-changing events.
Despite surface appearances of equality, subtle gender discrimination persisted. Elite desks covering Soviet analysis went to men, while women were steered toward obscure regions and “softer” subjects. When the Office of Leadership Analysis was created in the mid-1980s, it became staffed predominantly by women and was dismissively nicknamed “Ladies Doing Analysis” by male analysts (184). Though initially scorned, the LDA proved its worth with high-quality biographical studies. Female analysts would increasingly be the first to spot emerging threats but would struggle to get senior officials to listen in time—a pattern particularly evident regarding al-Qaeda.
Cindy Storer was given a role at the National Photographic Interpretation Center, southeast Washington. NPIC analyzed satellite and spy plane imagery to verify Soviet treaty compliance. Older male colleagues harassed Storer by showing her pornography, but she maintained professionalism and took what she could from her situation, learning imagery analysis and strategic thinking. In 1989, more young women joined NPIC, including Jennifer Matthews and Kristin Wood, who faced harassment but helped establish women’s support networks. When Storer correctly identified a secret missile program, she was prevented from publishing her findings; her response to the subsequent intelligence failure earned her a reputation for being “emotional.”
After three years, Storer transferred to CIA headquarters and, in 1992, was promoted to senior political-military analyst for Afghanistan, a small backwater account after the Soviet withdrawal and USSR collapse. Reviewing old files, Storer discovered a 1982 paper predicting that the Arab mujahideen who had fought the Soviets would become problematic. She noticed these fighters were spreading to unstable regions, often connected to a wealthy Saudi financier named Osama bin Laden (also transliterated as “Usama” bin Laden). Using newly computerized databases and Boolean searches, Storer created a visual map showing the expanding network of training camps. Despite her efforts, colleagues dismissed Afghanistan as a closed chapter.
In the mid-1990s, Cindy Storer connected with Barbara Sude, a senior analyst with a Princeton PhD in Islamic intellectual history. Despite her credentials, Sude had been relegated to the Foreign Broadcast Information Service, a backwater unit. Her expertise in medieval Islam enabled her to understand the fundamentalist jihadists’ ideology.
Storer and Sude joined informal interagency meetings organized by Gina Bennett, a former clerk-typist who was quickly promoted to State Department analyst after demonstrating exceptional ability. Her approach to understanding terrorist movements was shaped partly by childhood sexual abuse, which taught her what it meant not to be believed. The three women formed a core group tracking foreign fighters.
In early 1993, Bennett went into labor at her desk while completing a memo. Three days after giving birth, the first World Trade Center bombing occurred. Bennett’s memo detailed the global fighter network and identified Osama bin Laden as a leading financier of al-Qaeda. Despite Bennet’s warnings, Washington officials enjoying a post-Cold War “peace dividend” had remained skeptical. When Storer had previously presented her findings at a State Department briefing, attendees laughed in the hallway afterward, accusing the CIA of fabricating threats.
The 9/11 attacks would place the team of women analysist at the center of US intelligence. On January 25, 1993, Heidi August had witnessed a gunman open fire on commuting CIA employees, killing two officers. The shooter, Mir Aimal Kansi, fled to Pakistan. Four weeks later, terrorists bombed the World Trade Center. Cindy Storer rotated to the Counterterrorist Center, an unpopular career backwater: For the first time, she worked with an almost entirely female team.
The CTC had been created in 1986 by Dewey Clarridge, who proposed breaking down traditional firewalls between analysts and operations officers. This “fusion” approach was controversial, and the center was known as a dumping ground. When Storer joined it was led by Michael Scheuer, a brilliant but difficult analyst, and focused on Osama bin Laden, Scheuer assembled an overwhelmingly female team, later nicknamed “the Manson Family” or “the coven.” They faced condescension from male colleagues who saw them as “junior analysts in tennis shoes” (228).
In 1996, Scheuer’s branch became Alec Station, the first CIA station focused on a single individual: bin Laden. Storer worked as the unit’s lone conventional analyst. The station established a wiretap in Pakistan that revealed al-Qaeda’s administrative operations but, lacking its own case officers, Alec Station had to beg regional stations to collect intelligence. Jennifer Matthews led early targeting efforts, and Alfreda Bikowsky later joined as chief of operations.
By 1995, the women in Scheuer’s unit worked with foreign intelligence services to amass information about bin Laden’s network. Through liaison partnerships, they obtained incorporation documents, financial records, and membership rolls. Storer realized the network was a formal, bureaucratic organization with detailed accounting. She created organizational charts revealing a clear hierarchy, leading to her epiphany: It was a terrorist organization. In May 1996, a high-level defector, Jamal Ahmed al-Fadl, confirmed Storer’s analysis. Around 1997, she attempted to write a definitive 70-page paper on al-Qaeda but could not obtain the necessary approvals from other branches. Rivalry between the CIA and FBI further hampered investigations.
That same year, bin Laden relocated from Sudan to Afghanistan. Gina Bennett correctly predicted this made him more dangerous. When bin Laden declared war on America in 1997 the CIA’s strategic focus adjusted publicly, although internally the area was still marginalized. Bennett left State, and she and Jennifer Matthews pioneered targeting techniques, tracing terrorist travel and communication networks. In 1996, Heidi August became CTC chief of operations, advocating for dedicated career tracks and supporting women balancing family responsibilities.
On May 30, 1997, Patricia Moynihan, chief of base in Karachi, reported that walk-ins claimed to know shooter Mir Aimal Kansi’s whereabouts. Working with FBI agent Scott Jessee, Moynihan verified information, including a photograph showing Kansi’s distinctive nicked earlobe. Heidi August secured approval and a joint team successfully apprehended Kansi in Pakistan.
The celebration was brief. In spring 1998, bin Laden issued a fatwa (religious edict) calling for the killing of Americans. On August 7, 1998, simultaneous bombings struck US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, killing 224 people. An Alec analyst correctly identified the perpetrators as al-Qaeda. Storer was finally permitted to use the term “al-Qaeda” in a President’s Daily Brief.
Political and legal obstacles complicated targeting bin Laden. Alec Station developed a detailed plan to capture him at his Tarnak Farms compound, but senior officials canceled it over collateral damage concerns. After the embassy bombings, a female analyst confronted CIA Director Tenet about delays, who later described her as “quivering with emotion” in his memoir (262). The CTC’s analytic unit remained tiny, with only two dedicated al-Qaeda analysts managing overwhelming amounts of fragmented intelligence. In 1999, Tenet replaced Scheuer with Rich Blee and installed Cofer Black as CTC director. Alfreda Bikowsky formally became Alec Station’s chief of operations.
In summer 2000, Rich Blee recruited semi-retired Lisa Manfull Harper to join Alec Station, warning her that a major attack was imminent. Harper focused on African al-Qaeda cells and helped refine the emerging discipline of targeting.
A critical failure had occurred in January 2000 when two al-Qaeda members, Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar, were tracked to a Malaysia summit but not watch-listed, allowing them to enter the United States. Gina Bennett predicted an attack on the USS The Sullivans in Yemen; when it did not occur, the analysts were ridiculed. Years later it was revealed the attack had been attempted but the terrorists’ boat sank. In October 2000, al-Qaeda bombed the USS Cole, killing 17 sailors.
The incoming Bush administration, focused on state actors, was slow to recognize the cross-national al-Qaeda threat. In fall 2000, Tenet appointed Pattie Kindsvater to head the CTC’s analytic unit. Summer 2001 brought overwhelming threat chatter and Rich Blee warned National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice that a “spectacular” attack would occur.
Barbara Sude was tasked with writing a PDB item about a homeland attack. After calling the FBI and learning of 70 active bin Laden investigations in the US, she produced the August 6, 2001, brief titled “Bin Ladin Determined to Strike in US,” detailing his intent, capability, and preparations for hijackings (289). The administration did not hold its first cabinet-level meeting on al-Qaeda until September 4. Kindsvater’s unit reinforcements arrived September 10, 2001.
On the morning of September 11, 2001, Pattie Kindsvater was managing a workplace personnel issue when her secretary told her to turn on the television. She watched the first tower burning and saw the second and third plane strike. When the CIA was ordered to evacuate, the CTC was directed to remain at their posts.
Susan Hasler, a CTC branch chief, worried about her husband working elsewhere in headquarters. Lisa Harper shepherded a foreign delegation to safety using her tradecraft. Cindy Storer saw the second plane hit on a colleague’s computer screen and immediately told everyone to activate call lists, concluding they were at war. She volunteered for night shifts and slept on cots for weeks. Barbara Sude wrote talking points for the director, facing her fear while remaining at her post.
When passenger manifests arrived, they confirmed the presence of al-Hazmi and al-Mihdhar, the two men from the Malaysia summit who had been lost in the system. Mary Margaret Graham, the New York station chief, evacuated the New York station before World Trade Center 7 was destroyed. Three weeks later, Heidi August returned from Europe to find America transformed.
This section chronicles the rise of the Directorate of Intelligence’s female analysts, whose work is defined by a central paradox: Institutional marginalization placed them in professional backwaters that also uniquely positioned them to identify the emerging threat of al-Qaeda which would come to define the era. Through this, Mundy shows that women who were unable to access roles in more high-profile—and therefore male-coded—areas were able to do essential and rewarding work in these overlooked areas. Moreover, The Sisterhood suggests that these women’s ability to see, and commit to, the importance of their work despite a lack of wider recognition is a particularly female virtue, forged through the long-established female experience of being underrated and overlooked. The narrative repeats examples of theses undervalued workspaces—from NPIC to the CTC—considered career “dumping grounds.” These spaces are portrayed as laboratories where new intelligence work was forged by female teams, away from the prestigious Soviet analysis nexus. While the male mainstream of espionage focused on the collapsing Soviet Union, women like Storer and Sude scrutinized fragmented data streams about foreign fighters, a topic deemed inconsequential. Mundy argues that their professional distance from the agency’s center of gravity fostered perspectives untethered from Cold War orthodoxies, enabling these women to think “outside the box,” and cover a blind spot for the agency: the rise of global terrorist networks (315).
The work of Storer, Sude, and Bennett is therefore presented by Mundy as a significant evolution in intelligence methodology, shifting from the analysis of state actors to the forensic assembly of non-state networks. The new work involved piecing together financial records, travel documents, and intercepted communications into a coherent picture. Storer’s use of early database technology and organizational charts to visualize the jihadist network represented a departure from traditional intelligence products. The development of targeting as a discipline, pioneered by Matthews and refined by Harper, further blurred lines between analytical and operational directorates—a significant reorientation of the analyst’s role. In detailing these methods and systems, Mundy emphasizes the women’s dedication and skill in their work. This section particularly relies on structural irony in the form of the reader’s historical hindsight, allowing the narrative to draw on the knowledge that these skills and data will become essential to the modern espionage environment. In effect, The Sisterhood shows these women building the procedures that will make up the contemporary agency.
The narrative arc in this section builds inevitability toward September 11. The author constructs a timeline of missed opportunities—from Bennett’s 1993 memo to Sude’s August 6 presidential brief—functioning as a refrain underscoring institutional deafness. The directive for the CTC to remain at their posts while headquarters evacuated serves as a symbolic final image: the analysts confronting the disaster they had predicted from the margins, their vindication and failure arriving in the same moment.
Gender dynamics are central to the analysts’ struggle for credibility. The condescension ranged from the dismissive “Ladies Doing Analysis” (184) to perceiving Scheuer’s female team as “junior analysts in tennis shoes” (228). Director Tenet’s recollection of a female analyst confronting him describes her as “‘quivering with emotion’” (262), delegitimizing her professional critique by recasting it as a personal outburst. This section of the book presents structural sexism inside the organization—especially gatekeeping access to power—as the female analysts’ antagonistic force, rather than the intelligence targets themselves. The intensive review process is shown as a suppression mechanism, where male-perspective consensus requirements prevent important truths from reaching policymakers and challenging the status quo. Storer’s multi-year struggle to publish her al-Qaeda paper illustrates how turf-conscious desks and challenges in getting approval through the male hierarchy could effectively veto groundbreaking analysis. In response, the women cultivated informal collaborative networks, such as Bennett’s interagency warning sessions, operating as a “counter-structure” to the formal, combative male-dominated culture. Mundy’s use of language here suggests that the women applied their detailed knowledge of the subversive, innovative mechanisms of the terrorism threat to create a methodology for bypassing the agency’s structures of surveillance and control.



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