39 pages 1-hour read

Why I Write

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1946

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Part 2, Section 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “The Lion and the Unicorn: Socialism and the English Genius”, Part 2, Section 2: “Shopkeepers at War”

Part 2, Section 2, Chapter 1 Summary

Orwell wrote as the Germans continued their attack of London. He argued that the events of World War II clarified how private capitalism did not work as a viable economic and social system. He introduced an analogy of how socialism would replace capitalism: screw-steamers and paddle-steamers are set to a race, with the more advanced screw-steamer winning. Orwell suggested that capitalism had run its course and that the next model, socialism, should be accepted.


Orwell defined socialism on the basis of production: “The State is the sole large-scale producer” and thus a country could better control supply and demand chains (48). Orwell’s main issue with capitalism was its inability to meet the demands of war and contribution to multiple English failures during World War II.


Socialism believes in equality and protection against a straited class system. Fascism shares the notion of State-controlled production but rests its foundation on social, racial, and cultural inequality. Orwell acknowledged that even though the Nazis’ plan to implement a global caste system was unfathomably “horrible,” their system worked because it was based on State-controlled production. Capitalism would not stop the Nazis from pursuing their goals. In England: “so long as profit was the main object the manufacturer had no incentive to change over from consumption goods to armaments” (51). In August of 1939, weeks before England joined the war, English merchants were still selling goods to the German army.


Orwell placed the blame for England’s continued preoccupation with capitalism on the “moneyed class” who refused to acknowledge the rise of fascism and its threats. London was actively being attacked; Orwell hoped that the reality of war would motivate public opinion toward socialism.

Part 2, Section 2, Chapter 2 Summary

Orwell claimed that the majority of English citizens were poised for the change from capitalism to socialism, but that these changes were not yet happening. He recalled his previous metaphor of England as a family with the “wrong members in control,” (54) or the aristocratic, wealthy class. He noted that a complete shift of power and revolution must occur away from a wealthy ruling class, whom he deemed unteachable and willfully ignorant of fascist threats.


He argued that “Every strategic plan, every tactical method, even every weapon will bear the stamp of the social system that produced it” (55). If this social system was capitalism, then England would inevitably fall to Germany. He believed a socialist revolution was necessary to win the war.


The ruling class of England did not want to profit from the war, they wanted “to simply hang on to what they’ve got” (56). By revolution, Orwell meant an ideological and social upheaval that would allow the “native genius” of England’s citizens to address the threat of fascism more competently than the current leaders. Orwell supported a bottom-up approach to revolution, in which the working and middle classes demanded the change needed from the ruling class and did not necessarily champion violence. Rather, Orwell was concerned with creating class equality with small disparities in wealth where each citizen sacrificed the same amount.: this would cement England’s morale and stop any man from thinking that they would be in a similar state under Hitler.


Orwell saw a socialist revolution as entirely possible. It was just that the English had moved too slowly to implement the drastic changes for a full revolution to occur.

Part 2, Section 2, Chapter 3 Summary

Orwell discussed the most probable way that England would be defeated in the war. He noted the threat of the Fifth Column and politically provocative German refugees being interned after reaching England. This was distasteful not only to him but had lost England favor with the rest of Europe. He proposed that England may technically fall to bombing or invasion, but that it was more likely England’s defeat would be an ideological one, with pro-fascists in the wealthy ruling class agreeing to surrender in order to preserve their money and influence.


Orwell examined what could cause an ideological defeat for England. The Communists, he suggested, did not hold enough influence among the people. Pacifism only appealed to a small population and was not capable of inspiring “devotion,” or motivation for ending the war. Orwell maintained that “The real danger is from above” (63) citing the fact that Hitler had never persecuted the rich of the countries he occupied. Orwell believed that the ruling class was more pro-Hitler than pro-socialist because of their capitalistic interests. During a lull in fighting, Orwell expected that the ruling class would vie for “peace.” They would quietly allow England to be absorbed into fascist sentiments.


To Orwell, the bombing of London was not nearly as detrimental to the people’s morale as the visible rich, “the lady in the Rolls-Royce car” that disregarded the sacrifices others made for the war effort (64). The ruling class’s desire for a stabilized economy and the preservation of their wealth and power were the real threat that Orwell saw at the center of England’s struggle.

Part 2, Section 2 Analysis

Orwell squarely blamed England’s failures in World War II on the wealthier English citizens and their desire to remain a capitalistic country: “England fights for her life, but business must fight for profits” (52). The possibility of a socialist revolution was entirely real to Orwell. He claimed the English population was ready and appealed to their prejudice against the wealthy to support his argument. He emphasized the wealthy class’s role in lowering morale and belittling patriotism in dramatic analogies: “The lady in the Rolls-Royce car is more damaging to morale than a fleet of Goering’s bombing planes” (64). Orwell positioned his argument to a specific audience: the working class of England, to whom he knew class appeals and cries of Patriotism would be most effective. His unambiguous writing style, the analogies and anecdotes he drew support from, and his focus on the “English genius” residing within the working class are rhetorical devices. He chose them for the audience he desired to rouse to action.


The wealthy class’s preoccupation with material goods and production is ironic when considered against the physical environment Orwell wrote in. As London was bombarded, with English citizens’ goods, buildings, and property destroyed, the wealthy class of England was stuck on capitalistic gains. The illusion of capitalistic stability was also being destroyed as the bombing continued. As Orwell’s words destroyed the viability of a capitalistic economy and government, the German fighter pilots destroyed what physical remains capitalism had left behind. The illusion of capitalism fell to the reality of war.


Orwell situated his argument in straightforward and largely unemotional writing. The affect he desired to have on his readers was ideological and political; he did not call up the emotions associated with being bombed nor describe scenes of pain, loss, or specific traumas. His writing did not appeal to the emotional character of his readers, and other than the alliterative “Zwee—BOOM!” used to describe a descending bomb, his writing employed no descriptive narrative techniques (53). Not calling up traumatic memories may have allowed his argument to strike readers fully, without painful associations. Purple passages, lyricism, and descriptive elements also did not belong with political writing, Orwell believed, and would obfuscate his argument.

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