Du Bois examines Reconstruction in Mississippi and Louisiana, two other states with a majority Black population after the Civil War. While Reconstruction in these states followed the same general process as described in the case of South Carolina, there are some elements that are distinct in each state. For instance, in Mississippi, Black people were “largely deprived of any opportunity for land ownership” (384).

Mississippi was one of the poorest states. Its economy revolved around cotton production on plantations that used enslaved labor. After the Civil War, this agricultural system was devastated, and the state was in financial hardship. In 1865, Mississippi passed strict Black Codes, which provoked the federal government to establish a military dictatorship in the state in 1867 until the state government agreed to adopt the Reconstruction amendments. There were 17 Black delegates at the state constitutional convention in 1868. It was highly contested, many white delegates resigned in protest, and it was not accepted by the federal government until 1870. Black people continued to advocate for suffrage and political office, even as the Ku Klux Klan and other white militia attacked and killed them and their white supporters.

In 1870, the first Reconstruction state legislature convened with 40 Black members. However, Black people never held a majority in the legislature. A Black man, Hiram Revels, was sent to the US Senate. DuBois notes that Black men in Mississippi did not have the same level of education as those in South Carolina and Louisiana, but that nevertheless they “gave universal and epoch-making service” (394). 

The Reconstruction legislatures between 1870 and 1876 focused on civil rights law. However, due to both racism and Black peoples’ mistrust of both the planters and the Republicans, Black people were limited in their contributions to this process. Many majority-Black counties were represented by white planters. The Reconstruction government was accused of waste and “extravagance,” but there is little evidence that this is true except in the case of public printing contracts.

Du Bois argues that “the whites in Mississippi feared […] that the experiment of Negro suffrage might succeed” (400). They overthrew Black labor and political power through “riot, fraud, boycott, and intimidation” (401).

Louisiana became part of the United States when Napoleon sold it. There were many wealthy free Black Americans who had lived there for generations. Mixed-race marriages and relationships were more common there, and there was a large number of mixed-race people. There were approximately equal numbers of Black and white Americans in the state at the end of the Civil War. Before the Civil War, the state had a reputation for lawlessness and instability.

In 1864, the federal government imposed a government on the state, but it was not accepted by the white people because it included Black people. In 1865, new elections were held and Democrats and Conservatives swept into power. The government attacked Black people and Union supporters. They passed repressive Black Codes. Black Americans began to organize against this oppression. A key leader was Dr. J. T. Roudanez, a Black doctor who published the New Orleans Tribune, the first daily Black newspaper in the US. In 1865, Black Louisianans held a convention to organize for Black suffrage. Wealthy Black leaders attempted to “lead the freedmen toward economic emancipation” (407) but they were limited by military oppression and a “pass system” which prevented freedom of movement.

In 1865, carpetbagger Henry Clay Warmouth arrived in Louisiana. Warmouth was a politically ambitious Republican politician who initially had the support of Black Louisianans. In 1866, the white planters attempted to restore the antebellum state constitution. In response, the governor attempted to hold a Reconstruction-compliant constitutional convention. The meeting hall was attacked by white militia and the police; dozens of Black people were killed. Nevertheless, the federal government began to oversee Black voter registration.

A new constitutional convention was held with equal numbers of Black and white delegates. The new constitution, which provided equal rights to both races and extended Black suffrage, was adopted in 1868. The planters hated it but many of its tenets “remain to this day the basic law of the state” (417). Black political leaders like Oscar J. Dunn, a freedman, and Pinchback, a free man of mixed race, came to power. They often allied with the carpetbaggers over the planters. Warmouth, a carpetbagger, attempted to create alliances with the planters against the Black leaders. However, “a civil war of secret assassination and open intimidation and murder began” (422), led by groups like the KKK, and progress was limited. 

Warmouth became governor and was notorious for the graft and corruption of his regime. Attempts at establishing a public school system were hampered by the misappropriation of funds. In 1871, Warmouth began to lose the support of Black people due to his corruption. From 1868 to 1876, there were not free and fair elections in the state; when the federal government intervened there were “pitched battles.”

Du Bois argues that Black people cannot be blamed for this state of “anarchy.” He instead blames the lawlessness of white leaders. He notes that in both Louisiana and Mississippi the turmoil was the result of “a duel between Northern and Southern capitalists to effect control of labor” as “white Southerners […] combined with white labor to oust Northern capitalists” (431).

Du Bois analyzes the political economy of Reconstruction in three Southern states where a majority of the population was white: Alabama, Georgia, and Florida. In these states, poor white people allied with the planters to control Black labor through political and economic control.

In Alabama in 1860 there was a large Black population but a slight majority of white people. As in other Southern states, a provisional military dictatorship was implemented to support the creation of a new constitution that was compliant with the Reconstruction amendments and other federal requirements. There was a struggle between poor white people and white planters for control. Reapportionment gave more political representative power to poor white people, pushing the planter class to consider allying with Black people to ensure their power over the state.

In 1866 and 1867, Black people held a conferences to organize for their right to suffrage and other rights. However, white people rioted when white Northerners came to the state to advocate on the behalf of Black Alabamans. A constitutional convention was held and 18 Black men attended as delegates. Unlike in the other states covered, many of these Black men were field hands and relatively uneducated. A new constitution was adopted that granted more rights to Black people and permitted integrated schools and mixed-race marriages. Although a new constitution was adopted in 1875 after Reconstruction was repealed, many of its principal statutes remained.

Alabama was driven into debt through public financing of the expansion of the railway system, which was rife with corruption. The debt was a source of political conflict and resulted in cuts to state expenditures on things like schools. In 1874, Democrats won control of Alabama, and many Reconstruction measures were repealed or watered down.

In Georgia in 1860 there was a large Black population, including 3,500 free Black people, but they were outnumbered by the white population. White Georgians attempted to maintain enslavement even after the Emancipation Proclamation through the passage of Black Codes in 1865. Black leaders organized in support of their rights in 1866 and 1867. A federal military dictatorship was installed and oversaw Black voter registration. In 1868, a constitutional convention was held and 37 Black Georgians attended as delegates. 

Du Bois gives brief biographies of Black political leaders like Henry Turner, a preacher and official of the Freedmen’s Bureau. The new constitution granting racial equality was adopted in 1868. In the first election after the constitution’s passage, Democrats and Conservatives used “fraud and intimidation” (446) to suppress the Black vote and only 32 Black men were elected to the state congress. After the federal Congressional session ended, the white Georgia state senators used their powers to expel the three Black members from the state congress. This created a national scandal, and in 1869 a federal military dictatorship was once again imposed on the state.

In 1870, a new state government was convened with many of the Black members reinstated. The Black members of the state congress were particularly focused on the penal system. They were concerned about the number of Black people being arrested and then leased out as laborers to private companies. Du Bois rejects the claim of white politicians like Clark Howell that Black members of the Georgia legislature were “ignorant.” Black people were frequently targeted by white mobs and militias. Black people attempted to organize their labor but were largely unsuccessful.

Du Bois argues that carpetbaggers and scalawags collaborated with Southern merchants to “loot” Georgia during this period. Leaders in this effort were capitalist carpetbagger and railroad tycoon Hannibal Kimball and Governor Bullock. The railroad expanded and Georgia’s economy began to recover, but state provisions were insufficient due to graft and corruption. In 1870, the Democrats won control of Alabama and Reconstruction was ended.

In 1860, Florida had a small population of about 140,000 people, a majority of whom were white. It was a very poor state. The white people were resolutely against racial equality, Black suffrage, and similar measures. White planters and “Federal officeholders” competed for control of labor, including Black labor, which led to some temporary alliances between the different factions. A constitutional convention was held in 1868; 18 of the 46 delegates were Black. A Black man, C. H. Pearce, was president of the convention. The state had only $500. The conference itself was turbulent. There was conflict between factions of carpetbaggers and eventually the provisional military governor had to take control of the proceedings. The resulting constitution was “peculiar” in that it gave a majority of the power to the office of the governor and jerrymandered districts to reduce Black representation. Nevertheless, 19 Black men were elected to the first Reconstruction state legislature.

Harrison Reed was elected governor. Although he was a Democrat, he had Black allies like Secretary of State Gibbs. Carpetbaggers and Northern capitalists collaborated in multiple attempts to impeach Reed. In negotiations for the passage of railroad construction, bribes were rampant amongst both Black and white politicians. In 1872, the Black caucus issued a statement decrying the corruption and graft of the Reed government. With Black support wavering of Gibbs, white planters and carpetbaggers were able to select Republican O.B. Hart for governor. Reed’s Secretary of State Gibbs went on to become the Superintendent of Public Instruction. In 1874, Hart and Gibbs died. Despite the political instability, Black power in the state continued to grow incrementally.

Du Bois argues that “there was some waste and high taxation but it did not reach extremes” (466). He acknowledges that some Black legislatures were bribed, but argues that it was common practice throughout the government irrespective of race. He states that the waste and instability was the result of “the reactionary planters” who “encouraged lawlessness among poor whites, extravagance among carpetbaggers and bribery among Negroes” (467) to their own advantage.

Du Bois analyzes Reconstruction efforts in North Carolina, Virginia, and other states. In these states, the white population vastly outnumbered the number of Black residents. White people used their demographic and political power to maintain control over Black labor and people.

In North Carolina, there was a large population of free Black people who had the right to vote until 1835. After the Civil War, North Carolina was placed under provisional military dictatorship. Black North Carolinians advocated for equal rights, although they did not insist on the right to vote. In 1867, Black Carolinians held a conference in Raleigh. They formed the Equal Rights League and encouraged Black voter registration and representation. They also advocated for the confiscation of planters’ land for redistribution to Black freedmen, but “many Northern capitalists opposed this” (472).

In 1868, a state constitutional convention was held. It extended many rights to Black Carolinians. Loans were extended to help freedmen buy land and capital. The “planter press” complained about the role of Black people and carpetbaggers in the creation of the new constitution. They allied with the Conservatives and Democrats. This tension was particularly pronounced because many of the carpetbaggers and other elements of Northern capital had settled in the state. Du Bois notes that “the real fight in North Carolina was between the old régime and the white carpetbaggers, with the poor whites as ultimate arbitrators, and Negro labor between” (474). White planters fired Black laborers for voting against the interests of white planters. The KKK attacked Black people and their white allies.

In 1870, 20 Black men joined the North Carolina legislature. This was a very small proportion of the overall body. The legislature impeached the Unionist governor Holden and removed him from office. They sought to “drive out Northerners” who allied with Black people and “unite all whites […] on a basis of race prejudice and mob law” in order to establish a “dictatorship of land and capital” (477). By 1870, Democrats controlled the state government and Reconstruction effectively ended.

In 1861, the western counties of Virginia formed West Virginia because they opposed secession. The newly constituted state of Virginia had large numbers of both free Black people and freedmen by 1865. Virginia passed strict Black codes in 1866. This prompted federal review and oversight. Meanwhile, Black people began to organize to demand equal rights and suffrage. White men like James W. Hunnicutt were leaders in this advocacy. However, “reactionaries” resisted all expansion of Black rights. Many Black people left the state at this time. By 1868, Black people had organized to purchase land and open schools.

In 1867, Black men took part in the Republican state convention led by Hunnicutt. This outraged the Moderate Republicans. Nevertheless, Black labor and voters were well-organized. White Democrats fired Black workers who voted for the Radical Republicans. The constitutional convention was held at the end of that year and 25 Black delegates attended. Black people contributed significantly to the debate, particularly on the question of public school integration. The passage of the Reconstruction Amendments was hotly contested by the Conservatives and Democrats for two years, until President Grant insisted on elections and ratification in 1869.

Du Bois notes that Virginia was a state which under “white control” struggled with the “progressive piling up of an enormous debt” (487).

Arkansas had a period of Reconstruction similar to that of North Carolina and Virginia. The KKK was particularly active in Arkansas until 1869. In 1874, there was a contested election. Federal forces initially intervened, but ultimately allowed a Democrat to take control of the state.

Unlike other states, Texas remained prosperous throughout and after the Civil War. The government was firmly in the hands of the planters. General Kiddoo, head of the Freedmen’s Bureau, attempted to intervene on behalf of free Black labor with some limited success. Attacks on Black people continued apace. When Black people attempted to form militias to defend themselves during voter registration beginning in 1867, and then more generally, white people became “agitated.” When the new constitutional convention met, a particular concern was “lawlessness and violence” (498), and the government found that white men were responsible for 90% of murders. Within the context of this ongoing white violence, Black turnout was suppressed in 1873, and Democrats won control of the state.

There was a large Black population in the District after the Civil War. Many Black people had been drawn there by the abolition of enslavement there in 1861 and the right of to vote in 1866. Some Black residents of the District were wealthy landholders while approximately half were “destitute.” Republican Alexander Shepherd governed the city for nearly two years, from 1873 to 1874, and he oversaw its modernization. He was removed after charges of graft and misappropriation of funds. Du Bois notes that “the harm and dishonesty of the Shepherd régime was charged to the colored voter, while the beauty and accomplishment of the reborn city was put to the credit of white civilization” (503).

Maryland had a large population of freed or escaped Black people due to its position as a border state. It abolished enslavement in 1864. There was a growing reactionary movement in the state after the Civil War. A new state constitution was passed in 1867, but it did not guarantee equal rights for Black Marylanders. Black people did not gain citizenship or suffrage until after passage of the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments.

Black labor was better-organized in Maryland than in other states. They were able to run collective businesses, advocate for higher wages, and open private schools for Black students.

Black people formed one-third of Kentucky’s population in 1860, although the number dipped considerably during and after the Civil War as enslaved people escaped to nearby states which had abolished enslavement. After the war, the Freedmen’s Bureau intervened to ensure Black civil rights in the state. Kentucky was plagued with white gang violence like the “Regulators” of Madison County. These gangs attempted to run Black workers out of the state.

The Radicals advocated for Black civil rights in the state. In response, planters and capitalists threatened to import “Chinese and other foreign labor” (508). Black people organized to ensure Black people learned skilled trades. Black people in the state accumulated land and contributed significantly to the “economic rebirth” of the state after the war.

Enslavement was a powerful institution in Tennessee before the Civil War. After the war, a new constitution was created and suffrage extended to Black people in 1866. As elsewhere, white Tennesseans vehemently rejected racial equality. Poor white people saw free Black labor as competition, while white planters wished to reinstate the conditions of enslavement. In May 1866, there was a white riot and 24 Black people were killed in Memphis. 

Black Tennesseans petitioned the federal government for help and support. Congress responded by stating Tennessee representatives would not be admitted to the House unless the state ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, which it did. The following year, even the Conservative platform of the state acknowledged that Black people had equal rights.

There were very few Black people in Missouri by 1860. After the war, in 1865, a new constitution was created and enslavement was abolished in the state, although suffrage was not extended until the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment. However, Black people in the state organized to open schools, including the “first school of Negro higher training,” the Lincoln Institute in Jefferson City.

Du Bois argues that this evidence collectively illustrates the contributions of Black Americans to the efforts of Reconstruction while countering claims that they were solely responsible for the corruption and graft of the Reconstruction era.