Black Reconstruction In America

W. E. B. Du Bois

69 pages 2-hour read

W. E. B. Du Bois

Black Reconstruction In America

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1935

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Themes

Content Warning: This section includes discussion of anti-Black racism and enslavement.

The Role of Black Americans in Reconstruction

A key theme of Black Reconstruction in America is the role Black Americans played both in winning the Civil War and in Reconstruction governments. In mainstream accounts of this era in the 1930s, the contributions of Black Americans are either overlooked or denigrated. Black Americans were blamed for the failures of Reconstruction while their positive contributions were largely erased from the historical narrative. Du Bois seeks to counter this narrative by illustrating how Black Americans contributed to the Union’s victory and positively impacted Reconstruction government. He also argues that Black Reconstruction politicians were not more corrupt than their white counterparts and that, often, graft was led by white planters, scalawags, and carpetbaggers.


Du Bois provides immense detail about the role of Black Americans during the Civil War era. In the South, Black Americans played two important roles in supporting Union victory. First, during the war, many enslaved Black Americans escaped to the North or to Union-controlled territory. This deprived the South of the agricultural labor they required to support the war effort, while supplementing the Union Army’s efforts through building roads, growing crops, and other support. As Du Bois writes, “this withdrawal and bestowal of his labor decided the war” (51). 


Second, Black Americans were essential to supporting the Union war effort as soldiers. When Lincoln attempted to institute a draft in the North to replace the hundreds of thousands of soldiers who had been killed or wounded in the war, there were riots. He then turned to arming Black Americans, both free-born and freedmen. Du Bois notes, “Black men were repeatedly and deliberately used as shock troops” (96) and he doubts that without their use as reinforcements that the Union would have had as decisive of a military victory.


After the war, Black Americans were extended the franchise and given the opportunity to vote en masse for the first time in American history. Black Americans had the opportunity to run and win political office for the first time in the American South. Du Bois uses archival materials to describe in great detail the contributions of these Black Americans to the constitutional conventions and state governance of the Reconstruction era. He provides brief profiles of the leading Black figures of this period, such as Francis Cardozo of South Carolina and Representative Joseph Rainey of South Carolina, and quotes at length their legislative history and political speeches. This mass of detail illustrates that Black Americans made significant contributions to Reconstruction-era government. He argues that Black American politicians were especially instrumental in the creation of the Southern public school system.


Despite these significant contributions, Du Bois uses government records to show that Black Americans did not hold the majority in state governments even in places where they were the majority of the population, like South Carolina, illustrating that they had only limited control. He then uses public finance records to show that while public debt did increase in Southern states during the Reconstruction era, it was not overly out of proportion with the needs of the states following five years of destructive warfare and the need to industrialize through the introduction of railroads. 


Finally, he quotes white politicians from the era who admit that graft and corruption were widespread in both the North and the South at the time. Du Bois uses this collective evidence to argue that, “the wilder charges [against Black American leadership] have all the stigmata of propaganda and are in some respects intrinsically unbelievable” (375). He claims that Black American politicians were no more corrupt than their white counterparts and that the failures of Reconstruction cannot solely be attributed to their actions.

The Civil War and Reconstruction as a Form of Class Struggle

Du Bois was inspired by Karl Marx, who argued that “the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle” (Karl Marx. Communist Manifesto. 1848.) Du Bois uses this approach to analyze Reconstruction and, to a lesser extent, the Civil War as a form of class struggle. His narrative casts the political economy of the United States during this period as a series of conflicts between the white planter class, Northern capitalists, the white Southern proletariat, and the Black proletariat.


Du Bois describes how the South during enslavement was defined by the oligarchical control of white planters who controlled the Black proletariat and exploited the white proletariat. Despite making up only “7 percent” of the population, the white planters were able to maintain their control by fomenting racism so that the white proletariat did not ally with the Black proletariat. During the Civil War, a small proportion of the Black Southern proletariat exercised their agency over their labor by escaping Confederate control to support the Union military effort, start their own collective farms on appropriated land, or flee North to freedom. Du Bois describes this process in terms of labor rights, characterizing it as a “general strike.”


Du Bois then focuses on the class struggles that defined Reconstruction. In his analysis, Northern capitalists initially supported Black suffrage and abolition as they saw it as a means to support their control of Southern capital by depriving Southern planters of enslaved labor. They also wanted Black suffrage, as Black voters would vote overwhelmingly for the Republican party, which supported the tariffs Northern capitalists wanted to protect their burgeoning industrial development. However, Northern capitalists and the remains of the Southern oligarchy balked when Radical Republicans like Senator Sumner began to advocate for appropriating and redistributing land and capital confiscated from white planters to freedmen. As Du Bois writes, “national industry could get its way easier by alliance with Southern landholders than by sustaining Southern workers” (528). As a result, Reconstruction was abandoned and “they surrendered the hope of democracy in America for all men” (528).


Du Bois argues that the only way this capitalist alliance could have been disrupted would have been with an alliance between the white proletariat and Black proletariat. However, the prevailing racist attitudes of the time which were stoked by the “planter press,” and even liberal media sources like New York daily newspapers, led the white proletariat to largely refuse to organize collectively with Black labor. He laments that “the Negro as a common laborer belonged […] not in but beneath the white American labor movement” (533, emphasis added). As a result, “Labor war ensued in the North, and serfdom was established in the South” (534). Du Bois’s analysis of how racial prejudice intersected with class struggles during the Civil War and Reconstruction era is his key intervention in the historiography of the era.

The Importance of Challenging the “Propaganda of History”

Du Bois wrote Black Reconstruction in part to counter dominant mainstream myths perpetuated by his contemporaries about the Civil War, Reconstruction governments generally, and the role of Black Americans in Reconstruction specifically. He critiques what he calls the “propaganda of history” (635), or the tendency of white historians to write self-flattering historical narratives about this era to perpetuate conservative, or even white supremacist, ideas of American history and statecraft.


Du Bois focuses on three key myths about Reconstruction, which he seeks to correct and counter. First, the notion that all Black people were “ignorant.” Second, that Black Americans in Reconstruction governments were “lazy, dishonest and extravagant” (635). Third, that Black people “were responsible for bad government during Reconstruction” (636). As described in the discussion above about The Role of Black Americans in Reconstruction, Du Bois uses government archival records, financial statements, and extensive quotes from Black political leaders to illustrate that Black politicians substantively contributed to Reconstruction-era governments while never holding majority control of those governments. Du Bois emphasizes that while a majority of freedmen were illiterate, as it was illegal for Black enslaved people to learn to read and write in the pro-enslavement states, some Black leaders were educated and, indeed, many white Southern politicians at the time were also illiterate.


Du Bois also briefly addresses the common myth that the South fought the Civil War for “states rights.” Du Bois counters this claim by quoting extensively from Confederate leaders during the Civil War who explicitly state that they are fighting to defend enslavement. He asks rhetorically, “What do we gain by evading this clear fact, and talking in vague way about “Union” and “State Rights […]?” (639) He answers his own question, stating that the purpose of this myth is to suggest that the Confederacy was not fighting to defend enslavement, which in the contemporary era is seen as an abhorrent practice.


Du Bois argues that his evidence is more substantive and persuasive than the sources marshalled by white conservative historians like those of Columbia history professor William Dunning and Columbia political scientist John Burgess. They use “selected diaries, letters, and gossip” (646) to craft narratives that blame Black Americans for the worst of Reconstruction-era governments while overlooking their contributions. In the case of Burgess and others, they do this explicitly to create propaganda that furthers their project of white supremacy. They seek to portray Black Americans as incapable of self-governance in order to argue that Black people should be kept under the control of white leadership.


In Black Reconstruction, Du Bois counters this propaganda by crafting a narrative that centers the contributions of Black Americans. He argues that a factual understanding of the American Civil War and Reconstruction is essential to “guide humanity by telling the truth” (638), which can inspire and inform contemporary labor and civil rights struggles.

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