Why The West Rules – For Now

Ian Morris

69 pages 2-hour read

Ian Morris

Why The West Rules – For Now

Nonfiction | Reference/Text Book | Adult | Published in 2010

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Part 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3, Chapter 11 Summary: “Why The West Rules…”

The short answer to the titular question, “Why the West rules?”, is “geography” (557), according to Morris. He elaborates that humans are, like all animals, “inquisitive but also greedy, lazy, and fearful” (557). Morris argues this is universal to both East and West, and 19th- and 20th-century theories that Westerners were innately superior due to biological factors are incorrect.


Societies are motivated by people’s desire to make “their lives easier or richer” or they are “struggling to hold on to what they already have as circumstances change, and, in the process, generally nudging social development upward” (559). In Morris’s view of history, this is the key motivation for social movements and technological changes, from settled agricultural communities to the Industrial Revolution.


The problem is what Morris describes as a “paradox” where social development gives rise to developments that eventually undermine it, which Morris describes as “hard ceilings” (560). The pattern only ended once industrialization and fossil fuels ended the limits on how much primarily agricultural societies can develop.


After summarizing his overall thesis, Morris addresses the “most obvious objections” (561). One of these is the matter of human agency. Individual choices adding up to collective ideas, like the decisions of over a billion women to have fewer or no children in recent years, can change history. However, Morris adds that “[t]here are strong pressures on all of us to make choices that conform to reality” (566).


There are individuals whose lives and decisions have tremendous consequences, like the prophet Muhammad. Still, Morris posits that Muhammad’s historical impact was also made possible by previous movements toward monotheistic religion in Arabia, the Mediterranean region splitting into disparate states, and the decline of the Persian and Byzantine empires.


This is also true for history’s great thinkers. Morris argues that they simply draw from similar ideas and methods, something shown by how an “extraordinary number of modern inventions” are “made more than once” (568). Morris argues that innate cultures do not shape history anymore than innate biology. Instead, “the histories of Eastern and Western thought have been broadly similar across the last five thousand years” (569).


To arguments that Islam itself has led to the decline of the Islamic world, Morris counters that Islamic societies produced tremendous scientific advancements in the early Middle Ages and that Islamic societies vary widely, with Turkey as an example of a Muslim-majority country that embraced modernity. Instead, Morris suggests that “since 1700 many Muslims have turned inward in response to military and political defeat, just as many Chinese Confucians did in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries” (571).


Next, Morris summarizes his reasons for the rise of the West by going backward in time. In the 18th century, Napoleon conquering Britain might have slowed the Industrial Revolution or caused it to unfold in northern France instead, but he thinks nothing after 1800 could stop it.


Around 1500, Morris thinks that, if Charles V had managed to consolidate his control over Europe, it might have stifled colonial trade and led to the successful persecution of the sort of thinkers who kicked off the Scientific Revolution and the Enlightenment. Similarly, if the Ottomans had conquered Europe, the center of trade might have stayed in the Mediterranean, or if the Ottomans and Russia had fought each other more than in our history, the steppes might not have been conquered. In such a scenario, the Mongols might have been driven into Europe by the rise of the Qing in China, leading to a new European “dark age” (574) while the Chinese industrialized.


1350 offers even more possible alternate history situations, like if the Mongolian conqueror Tamerlane had attacked Italy or succeeded in conquering China, or if China had remained a clutch of warring states competing with each other. The further back one goes in history, the more “wild cards” (575) there are.


For Morris, the most likely turning point where the East could have eventually industrialized was 1100. Had the Song dynasty survived or if Genghis Khan had never lived, then Chinese history might have gone on a trajectory that would have led to the East overtaking the West. However, Morris believes that geography always made it more likely the West would take that jump. The only thing that would have prevented anything like the Industrial Revolution and the rise of the West would have been catastrophic climate change or an asteroid hitting the planet.

Part 3, Chapter 12 Summary: “…For Now”

Morris proposes that his historical methodology might also predict the future. He notes that his concept of the advantages of backwardness apply to Japan and China. They traded with the West and eventually adopted Western economic and social models as their own. However, the situation is historically “unusual” (585) because the United States is dependent on cheap goods manufactured in China and on money borrowed from China. Morris cites a term invented to describe this arrangement, “Chimerica” (585).


Chimerica arguably ended with the financial crisis of 2009. Some argue that it resulted in the United States ceding its preeminence to China in much the same way that Europe ceded preeminence to the United States in the 20th century. However, others have argued that the American economy is too resilient and that China is suffering from systemic problems with its own economy and with an aging, shrinking population. Still others believe that the globalized economy will continue to lead all nations to prosper and for Western values of liberalism and democracy to eventually triumph. Another theory, devised by the journalist Martin Jacques, is that in the future there will be a “fragmented global order” that will eventually have the result that “China will rule and the world will be Easternized” (589).


Using his social development model, Morris finds that the East is supposed to overtake the West by 2103. Morris also predicts massive leaps in social development and the ability to make war. This could be made possible by outsourcing war to robots and by developments in information technology. In fact, Morris believes that the 21st century could see technological changes so fundamental that “it will change what biology and sociology mean too” (592) through advancements in genetics and human-computer interactions. Morris speculates that this could culminate in something like Kurzweil’s Singularity, a theory that technology will one day advance to the point that there will be the “merging” of “carbon- and silicon-based intelligence into a single global consciousness” (593). In something like the Singularity, the differences between West and East may be rendered irrelevant.


Another possibility is a global collapse brought on by “environmental degradation” (598), especially the changes brought on by man-made climate change. Even if man-made climate change is slowed or reversed, it is still predicted to cause more food and water shortages, especially in southern, warmer countries. The threat of an “all-out war” (606) or a nuclear war are also possible. Morris describes such scenarios as “Nightfall” (608), using a fictional concept from the science-fiction writer Isaac Asimov. To avoid Nightfall, humanity must minimize the threat of nuclear war and do more to “slow down” (609) climate change.


Rather than the solutions coming from the emergence of a world government, Morris speculates it is more likely that solutions will come from the rise of “nonstate organizations” (610) like the European Union and the United Nations. One alternative proposed by environmentalists, getting people to lower the amounts of energy they consume, is impractical since the world population is projected to continue to grow and become richer, thus consuming more energy in their daily lives. Also, nuclear war has, Morris argues, made it possible for the first time in history for one political leader to greatly change the course of history. Another pessimistic note that Morris makes is that the Singularity itself may be a negative and unpredictable outcome that will eventually lead to the effective extinction of humanity. 


Still, Morris concludes with cautious optimism that “only historians can explain the differences that divide humanity and how we can prevent them from destroying us” (622).

Part 3 Analysis

In the final part of Why the West Rules—For Now, Morris not only summarizes his arguments but also speculates on the future and on hypothetical alternative timelines. First, Morris makes a final case for The Role of Geography in Social Development. There may be important individuals like the Prophet Muhammad or the inventor James Watt who have a tremendous impact on history in the short term, but they do not change the greater, longer-term historical outcomes, like Europe’s colonization of the Americas. 


Morris explicitly argues that “culture and free will never trump biology, sociology, and geography for long” (571). When there is historical change that seems to be driven by people, it is really a product of human behavior enabled by a certain degree of social development and in response to, or enabled by, specific geographical conditions. As Morris puts it, “Great ideas often seem to be less the result of brilliance than the logical outcome of having a set of thinkers who share the same questions and methods” (568). While considering possible patterns that could have unfolded across history itself, Morris does concede that there is a possibility that China may have first reached the Americas instead, but still concludes that the odds were against a Chinese Industrial Revolution and that “Western rule by 2000 […] was […] more of a long-term probability” (576).


To better understand the Longue Durée Patterns of Human History, Morris again calls for an interdisciplinary approach. Not only should historians tap into other fields, they should also be willing to bridge the divide between the humanities and social sciences and the so-called “hard” sciences like biology. Morris writes that historians “do not have to limit ourselves to the two hundred generations in which people have been writing documents. If we widen our perspective to encompass archaeology, genetics, and linguistics […] [we] get a whole lot more history” (581). An example of this is how the use of research from archaeology and genetics allowed Morris to incorporate prehistory, the eras before the development of writing, into his narrative.


Finally, Morris concludes with speculating that his social development score and even the very concepts of East and West may no longer be relevant in the future, either because of humanity succumbing to global disasters like manmade climate change, or because of radical technological advancements that set humanity apart from the constraints of biology. The Singularity is a very controversial and disputed idea. For just one example, critics have pointed out that the concept of the Singularity is based on the faulty assumption that technology will simply continue to progress exponentially as long as there is not some kind of catastrophic, world-wide societal collapse. Further, others have questioned more generally if anything like the Singularity is technologically feasible or socially desirable. 


Even so, one could argue Morris’s basic point is still valid, namely that the unprecedented scientific and technological progress of recent decades may break the patterns he perceives in history, for better or for worse. Morris thinks that it depends on if “our age is able to get the thought it needs” (616).

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