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Collier argues that moderate migration fosters societal benefits through diversity and economic stimulation, but rapid and large-scale migration can lead to reduced trust, cooperation, and social cohesion. The effects of migration follow an inverse-U shape, where gains diminish and losses escalate with increasing migration.
Mutual regard, Collier believes, is a cornerstone of functional societies. Mutual regard is a sense of solidarity and trust among members of a community. This regard supports equitable redistribution and cooperation, but is fragile and easily eroded by cultural distance between migrants and the host population. Low trust among culturally distant migrant groups can persist in host societies, impeding integration and cooperation. For example, studies show that migrants often bring cultural norms shaped by their home societies, which may conflict with those of the host society. Collier references Robert Putnam’s findings that high levels of immigration reduce trust not only between groups, but also within the indigenous population, leading to a broader retreat from social engagement and solidarity.
Collier frames assimilation as the most practical and ethical solution, as it enables migrants to adopt the host society’s norms, language, and values, fostering trust, mutual regard, and a shared sense of identity. Assimilation supports societal cohesion by reducing cultural distance and encouraging intermarriage, which, over time, integrates migrant groups into the host population’s historical and cultural narratives. For Collier, this model ensures that migrants not only contribute to, but also fully participate in, the societal structures of their new home, creating a unified community.
Cultural fusion, while presenting a more balanced alternative, requires active participation from both migrants and indigenous populations. Fusion allows for the blending of cultural elements, such as cuisine or traditions, creating new, shared cultural forms. However, Collier warns that fusion carries risks, particularly if the blending dilutes the functional norms that underpin the host society’s prosperity. For example, while fusion might enhance cultural diversity, it requires careful management to avoid creating divisions or weakening societal trust.
By contrast, Collier criticizes separatism for fostering social fragmentation. In this model, migrants maintain distinct cultural identities, often clustering in spatially or socially isolated communities. Separatism can also give rise to parallel political structures or advocacy groups that prioritize the interests of specific communities over those of the broader society, creating tensions and eroding mutual regard.
Collier examines the economic consequences of migration on the host countries. He begins by highlighting that simplistic economic principles suggest migration benefits wealthy indigenous populations while disadvantaging poorer ones. However, studies reveal a more varied impact. At the lower end of the wage spectrum, migration depresses wages, but it raises wages for most other workers, driven by increased labor market efficiency and productivity gains, especially in growth areas like Southeast England. Skilled migrants often complement unskilled workers, boosting productivity and benefiting the latter.
Collier discusses the housing market, where migration exerts significant pressure. Poorer migrants often compete with the indigenous poor for social housing, crowding them out and intensifying inequalities. Additionally, migration drives up private housing prices, disproportionately affecting lower-income groups while benefiting wealthier property owners. Regional disparities amplify these effects, with high-immigration areas like London experiencing sharper housing price increases.
The success of migrants and their children, who often outperform the indigenous population academically and economically, can inspire societal progress but also deepen divisions. For working-class indigenous populations, this success can lead to fatalism and reduce motivation, particularly as migration intensifies competition for education and training opportunities. The influx of skilled migrants may also undermine firm-based training systems, limiting opportunities for indigenous youth. While migrants contribute disproportionately to innovation in some countries, such as the United States, these gains may not be universal.
Collier also addresses the demographic argument that migration offsets aging populations by bringing in younger workers to support an expanding retired population. While this influx provides an initial fiscal boost, he emphasizes that it is a temporary solution to a long-term issue. Young migrants themselves eventually age, requiring continuous high levels of immigration to sustain the workforce-to-dependent ratio. Additionally, migrants often have larger families than the host population, which can increase dependency ratios rather than reduce them.
Collier ends the chapter by critiquing the concept of guest-worker programs, which isolate migrants economically and socially. While effective in autocratic societies like Dubai, where migrants lack citizenship and rights, such programs are incompatible with the liberal democratic values of Western societies. He concludes that moderate migration has modest economic benefits, but rapid or poorly managed migration risks eroding living standards and social cohesion.
Collier evaluates the consequences of poorly designed migration policies. Moderate migration yields economic benefits and cultural variety but introduces social costs, such as weakened mutual regard and strained integration of dysfunctional social models. These issues worsen with rapid migration, which leads to wage suppression, stretches public resources, and diminishes social cohesion. Short-term economic benefits include reduced dependency ratios and economic stimulation, but these often give way to medium-term social costs like reduced trust and cooperation, especially in densely populated nations. While sparsely populated countries such as Canada may benefit from population growth, densely populated regions are more likely to encounter negative outcomes.
Collier critiques existing migration policies, particularly their reliance on quantitative limits, which can inadvertently intensify problems. Without measures to promote diaspora absorption and cultural integration, migration policies risk entering a cycle of escalating restrictions and rising social costs. He outlines a four-phase model of policy response: Anxiety over uncontrolled migration; panic-driven quantitative limits; an “ugly phase” of tightened restrictions; and eventual absorption. Collier stresses the importance of policies that manage migration rates while fostering integration to prevent prolonged social and political strain.
Collier applies the inverse-U effect to the economic and social consequences of migration to address The Balance Between Humanitarian Goals and National Interests. Moderate migration boosts economic efficiency, labor market flexibility, and cultural diversity, but once a certain threshold is crossed, costs rise disproportionately. Britain’s housing market follows this pattern: Migration increases demand and stimulates economic growth, but severe housing shortages push property values up, benefiting wealthy homeowners while making housing less accessible for low-income indigenous workers.
In labor markets, migration strengthens workforce dynamism, yet unchecked migration leads to lower wages for low-skilled workers and deepens economic inequality. The inverse-U effect moves the conversation beyond rigid pro- or anti-migration views toward a pragmatic assessment of how societies manage migration pressures. The impact of migration depends on scale rather than ideology, and Collier urges readers to look past simplistic narratives to consider the practical limits of economic and social integration.
This concern with cooperation and trust extends beyond social dynamics and into economic consequences. Collier’s engagement with Robert Putnam’s research on social capital is central here: Putnam’s finding that immigration reduces trust not only between groups, but within groups, is a critical challenge for modern democracies. Collier builds on Putnam’s research, arguing that a decline in mutual trust can lead to the breakdown of redistributive policies, as citizens become less willing to fund welfare systems that benefit those they perceive as “outside” their social group. For example, despite its immense wealth, California has seen a collapse in public investment in education and infrastructure, a trend he attributes in part to the erosion of a shared identity between high-income and low-income residents. When taxpayers no longer feel a sense of common belonging with those receiving public assistance, redistributive policies become politically untenable—a phenomenon with profound implications for the sustainability of social democracy.
Language acquisition can also be a symbol of identity formation, reflecting The Role of Integration and Assimilation in Multicultural Societies. He cites studies showing that immigrants who speak the host country’s language at home are significantly more likely to integrate successfully, reinforcing his broader claim that successful migration depends not just on economic opportunity but on cultural adaptation. The contrast between American and European approaches to national identity is key here: Whereas the US has traditionally fostered a strong civic identity that encourages assimilation, many European nations have taken a hands-off approach, assuming that integration will occur organically. Collier suggests that this assumption is flawed, as cultural distance does not naturally decrease over time without deliberate policies to encourage it.
The London riots of 2011 provide an illustration of how identity and group loyalty can override national cohesion. Collier’s comparison between the public reaction to a 1960s police shooting—in which the community ostracized the criminal—and the mass protests following the killing of Mark Duggan reveals a shift in social norms. Whereas previous generations of British citizens, including immigrants, saw themselves as part of a unified national identity, he argues that contemporary migration patterns have created subcultures with competing allegiances, making cooperation more fragile. The rioters, he implies, were not reacting solely to the shooting itself but to a broader sense of social detachment and alienation, exacerbated by the failure of multiculturalism to foster a shared sense of belonging.
Nevertheless, Collier is not purely pessimistic about migration. His analysis of cultural fusion suggests that integration is possible when both migrants and host societies engage in mutual adaptation. However, he warns that such fusion requires a baseline of shared participation in national identity—something that separatist models of multiculturalism actively discourage. By contrasting assimilation (where migrants fully adopt the host culture) with fusion (where both groups influence each other but remain within a shared framework), he highlights a potential pathway for successful long-term integration.
Ultimately, Collier’s argument is not anti-migration but pro-managed migration—a distinction he reinforces by challenging both open-border utopianism and anti-immigrant reactionism. His critique of unrestricted migration is not grounded in nationalist ideology but in empirical concerns about social cohesion, economic sustainability, and trust. By rejecting both the libertarian argument that migration should be left to market forces and the populist argument that migration should be halted entirely, he carves out a position that demands both a realistic assessment of migration’s effects and a proactive approach to integration.



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