SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome

Mary Beard

75 pages 2-hour read

Mary Beard

SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2015

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Index of Terms

Content Warning: The source material and guide feature depictions of illness or death, physical abuse, emotional abuse, and gender discrimination.

Citizenship

Citizenship is the legal right of recognition accorded to an individual by the state, affording them certain rights (such as voting) and responsibilities (such as taxes). In a Roman context, citizenship at first meant freeborn men born in Rome, but expanded to include all those freeborn under Roman rule, and formerly enslaved people granted manumission. Rome was the first civilization to expand the definition of citizenship past the city borders in this way, giving rise to its modern usage as a national legal status.


Beard identifies citizenship as a key factor in Rome’s success, arguing that its willingness to extend citizenship set it apart from all other ancient societies. The practice of incorporation became a crucial mechanism for imperial expansion, recognized by contemporary outsiders as a “powerful factor in Rome’s success” (68). Following military victories like the Latin War, Rome extended full or partial citizenship to many of the defeated, converting former enemies into a vast resource of manpower. This strategy broke the traditional link “between citizenship and a single city” (166) and created a new, flexible model of national identity. Beard concludes her book at 212 CE, when the emperor Caracalla granted citizenship to every free inhabitant of the empire. For Beard, this act was the fulfillment of Rome’s 1000-year citizenship project, “completing a process of expanding the rights and privileges of Roman citizenship that had started almost a thousand years earlier” (17) but also signifying an identity shift that would alter Rome and its character into the third century.

Liberty (Libertas)

Libertas, or liberty, is the foundational political ideology of the Roman Republic, which Beard presents as a powerful but constantly contested concept. Beard traces the impact of this Roman ideal on the modern era, arguing that Republican Rome bequeathed to the West the “important idea of liberty” (128). She observes that “it is no coincidence that the slogan of the French Revolution—Liberté, égalité, fraternité—puts “liberty” in pride of place; nor that George Washington spoke of restoring “‘the sacred fire of liberty’ to the West” (129), cementing its place as a core principle of Western political thought.


SPQR discusses how the Romans conflated “the birth of liberty and of the free Roman Republic” (125) in their mythic-history narratives: In the Roman imagination, libertas was the innate manifestation of the citizen’s rights. The assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 BCE was carried out by a group of senators who called themselves the “Liberators,” acting in the name of libertas against a figure they perceived as a “tyrant.” That Caesar’s perceived arrogance in granting personal clementia (“mercy”) was itself seen as a threat to libertas reveals how central the concept was to Rome’s self-identity as a republic in which citizens held natural rights and dignity.

SPQR (Senatus PopulusQue Romanus)

SPQR is the acronym for Senatus PopulusQue Romanus, or “The Senate and People of Rome,” which functioned as the official name and slogan for the Roman state. Beard explains that SPQR served as a “shorthand slogan for the legitimate power of the Roman state, a slogan that lasted throughout Roman history and continues to be used in Italy in the 21st century CE” (25-26). Its endurance is a testament to its power as a symbol of Roman political identity.


Throughout the book, Beard explores the often-conflicting relationship between the phrase’s two components, the Senate and the citizenry, from the early republican Conflict of the Orders to the rise of popular politicians in the final centuries of the Republic. Beard examines how the balance of power represented by SPQR was fundamentally altered by the rise of one-man rule, which added an “overweening figure” (27) of the emperor to the political equation. Beard also notes the term’s lasting cultural resonance, observing that it is “still plastered over the city of Rome, on everything from manhole covers to rubbish bins” (25) and has inspired centuries of parody, including the modern Italian joke, “Sono Pazzi Questi Romani… ‘These Romans are mad’” (25).

The Twelve Tables

The Twelve Tables were Rome’s first collection of written laws, compiled around 450 BCE. In contrast to the founding myths of later Roman writers, the preserved clauses of the Twelve Tables reveal a much simpler world. Their focus on “domestic problems […] troublesome neighbours, private property and death” (144), with rules for everything from overhanging trees to funeral conduct, offers a unique window into the mundane concerns of a small, agricultural society, showing that Rome’s growth into an imperial city was slow and gradual.


Beard use the Twelve Tables to challenge the anachronistic accounts of later Roman writers, part of her revisionist approach to canonical Classical learning. Calling it “the best antidote to those later heroising narratives” (141) written by historians like Livy, she notes that the “strikingly tentative formulation of the regulations” (145) suggests a community still struggling to frame precise laws in writing. The text also provides clear evidence of the “multiple inequalities” (143) that structured early Roman society, with formal distinctions between patricians and plebeians, property owners and the landless, and patrons and clients. While acknowledging its limitations, such as its almost complete silence on the world outside Rome, Beard presents the Twelve Tables evidence for the “real” early Republic, to be compared with the retrospective presentations of later Roman writers.

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