SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome

Mary Beard

75 pages 2-hour read

Mary Beard

SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2015

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Themes

Content Warning: This section of the guide features depictions of cursing, illness or death, graphic violence, sexual violence and harassment, rape, physical abuse, emotional abuse, mental illness, pregnancy loss or termination, child abuse, child death, child sex abuse, racism, religious discrimination, and gender discrimination.

Integrating Conquered Peoples into Roman Identity

In SPQR, Beard argues that Rome’s strength rested as much on its ability to absorb defeated communities as on its military victories. The book explores how this pattern of coerced inclusion, which turned outsiders into Roman citizens and encouraged aspiration to Roman-ness, created a multicultural empire, often run by people who were from conquered communities, including immigrants, enslaved and formerly enslaved people, and their descendants. Arguing that Rome’s expanding approach to citizenship shaped this transformation and allowed the state to turn former enemies into a reliable source of support, SPQR considers this integration as central to Rome’s success and longevity.


Beard explores how the myths that Romans repeated about their beginnings offered a means to explore and rationalize this openness as being inherently “Roman.” In Rome’s foundation story, Romulus establishes his city as an “asylum” for “runaway slaves, convicted criminals, exiles and refugees” (60), presenting early Rome as a gathering place for outsiders rather than a citizenry defined by ethnicity or birthright. SPQR stresses that this approach was unusual and innovative, comparing Rome to similar city-states in the ancient world: Beard shows that, while Greek city-states often cherished the idea of unbroken descent, Roman tales stressed mixed origins. Her analysis of the story of Aeneas, a Trojan refugee who plants the seeds of the Roman people in Italy, with the creation of a shared Roman-Sabine community after the abduction of the Sabine women, reinforces this point. Beard contends that these repeated mythic images of foreignness and merger offered Romans a mythic context that encouraged their own incorporation of conquered groups as an expression of Roman identity, rather than a threat to it.


This theme also explores the ways in which Roman leaders turned these ideas into concrete policy, such as when Rome defeated Veii in 396 BCE, it took the city’s land and soon welcomed many of its inhabitants as citizens. Following from this precedent, the early 1st-century BCE Senate granted full citizenship to rebellious Italian allies, broadening the citizen body on a scale never seen before. Beard notes that this expansion of the citizen base strengthened Rome’s forces by turning its “defeated enemies into part of its growing military machine” (164). In the process, the idea of being a “Roman citizen” shifted from a geographical-ethnic marker of attachment to the city itself to a recognition of legal status.


Imperial rule pushed this integration even further. Manumission granted citizenship to the freed enslaved people of Roman citizens, which meant many new Romans came from outside Italy. By the second century CE, Beard explains that “more than 50 per cent of the senators were from the provinces” (522). Emperors such as Trajan from Spain and Septimius Severus from Africa showed how far this shift had reached. The trend culminated in 212 CE, when Caracalla “made every single free inhabitant of the Roman Empire a full Roman citizen, eroding the difference between conqueror and conquered” (17). This decree completed the trajectory first suggested by the myths about Romulus and created an empire ruled by the descendants of peoples once defeated by Rome.

The Normalization of Political and Social Violence

SPQR presents a Roman state built through a combination of law and administration with routine political bloodshed. Beard shows that violence remained a standard tool in Roman public life and traces it from the city’s mythic origins through the upheavals of the Republic and into the mechanics of imperial rule. She argues that this type of force became a defining feature of Roman political culture and identity.


Beard examines Rome’s foundation myth to establish this theme. In the most familiar version, Romulus kills his twin brother, Remus, during a dispute over the new city’s location. Beard describes this mythic fratricide as a “powerful template for understanding civil disobedience and insurrection throughout Roman history” (43), as the later Romans used this myth to make sense of the political violence. She considers this rationalization to be both justificatory and critical, such as when Horace calls it the “crime of a brother’s murder, ever since the blood of blameless Remus was spilt… to be a curse on his descendants” (65). By placing murder inside their origin story, Romans framed internal conflict as an integral characteristic rather than an anarchic departure from the city-state’s order. In examining Rome’s founding myth in this way, Beard moves away from traditional discussions around the veracity of the myth, focusing instead on its value as a literary-cultural expression of the Roman self-identity.


Beard goes on to examine how this pattern reappears in the late Republic, when fighting in the streets escalated into organized purges. The Gracchi brothers, whose reforms threatened senatorial interests, died at the hands of their opponents. In 133 BCE, a mob beat Tiberius Gracchus to death. In 121 BCE, an “amateur militia” (232) operating under an emergency decree killed Gaius Gracchus and thousands of his supporters. A generation later, Sulla formalized this kind of violence through his proscription lists, which named thousands of men and placed rewards on their heads (217). By the mid-first century BCE, paramilitary gangs like those surrounding Publius Clodius Pulcher dominated politics, and force in the streets often replaced formal voting. In presenting these episodes as sequential, Beard suggests an inevitable momentum to the escalation and integration of political violence into Rome’s state functions.


As part of this graduation, Beards demonstrates how imperial rule embedded political murder even more firmly into public life: Because no official system of succession existed, assassination became a common way to transfer power. The Julio-Claudian dynasty produced a long chain of “brutal death, largely murder” within the imperial household, which, Beard argues, consciously echoed Roman stories about early kings (101). Her analysis of the killing of the emperor Gaius (Caligula) in 41 CE shows how far this acceptance of violence had gone. Officers of the Praetorian Guard, whose job was to protect him, “hacked” (391) him to pieces in a palace corridor, and then placed Claudius on the throne. Beard uses this example to demonstrate how murder had become part of imperial politics, arguing that it was a blueprint for later emperors who met similar ends during power struggles.

Mythology and Propaganda as Imperial Tools

In SPQR, Beard shows how Roman leaders built power through storytelling, deploying myth, history, and heroic imagery to shape public memory and defend their political aims. Beard presents this manipulation of narrative as a central instrument of Roman rule, which helped justify conquest, portray aggression as self-defense, and describe autocracy as the fulfilment of divine plans.


This theme examines how early Roman writers revised the city’s myths to cast Roman actions in a favorable light. Beard notes how later Roman accounts of the abduction of the Sabine women describe the Romans as men driven to violence only after neighbors “unreasonably rebuffed” (62) their diplomatic requests, recasting the raid as a response to provocation. The story of Romulus killing Remus uses a similar tactic: The slogan attached to the act, “So perish anyone else who shall leap over my walls” (60), fits a state that described its wars as “always responses to the aggression of others” (60). Beard argues that these adaptations helped Romans treat their long campaigns of expansion as a chain of justifiable reactions, often through retrospective vindication.


SPQR shows how competition among political leaders in the Republic made these narrative strategies more overt, both to other Romans and to modern historians. Pompey the Great wore a cloak said to have belonged to Alexander the Great during his triumph in 61 BCE to connect his victories to a famous conqueror. Earlier, Cicero summoned the senate to the Temple of Jupiter Stator during his confrontation with Catiline and likened himself to Romulus, since tradition claimed that Romulus founded the shrine to steady Romans against an enemy. Many ambitious men used similar tactics. Families traced their origins to mythical heroes or gods, and Julius Caesar’s family linked itself to Venus to elevate his political claims. Presenting Augustus as the apotheosis of Roman propaganda, Beard shows how he turned these scattered practices into a coordinated program. He sponsored Virgil’s Aeneid, where Jupiter promises “empire without limit” (355) to Rome, which presents Augustus’s authority as the outcome of a divine plan. His Forum displayed statues of Aeneas, Romulus, and key Republican figures in a historical sequence that ended with Augustus himself. He promoted the title “son of a god” (305) and filled public spaces with images that tied him to Rome’s sacred past. Beard argues that, with this campaign, Augustus turned personal mythmaking into an official theocracy, part of her book’s interest with the dynamism that enabled Rome’s adaptation and survival.

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