A category of truth within “Hume’s fork” that is true by reason and definition alone. Unlike statements that require factual verification, analytic truths are “discoverable by the mere operation of thought” (9). Isaacson argues that when Benjamin Franklin described the Declaration’s principles as “self-evident,” he was framing them as this type of logical truth.

A core American ideal referring to the shared spaces, institutions, and aspirations that unite a diverse population. Derived from the historical concept of “the commons,” it is a social and political foundation that fosters stability, democracy, and the American Dream. Isaacson links modern political polarization to the shrinking of this common ground.

A space or set of resources designated for shared community use, evolving from the feudal concept of common grazing land to include modern public goods like schools, libraries, and public safety services. Isaacson presents the commons as an important part of a healthy free-market society because it strengthens social bonds and gives people a shared stake in the social order.

A Latin phrase meaning “the goods in common” (28), used to describe institutions and services that benefit the entire community, such as libraries, hospitals, and fire departments. The book highlights Benjamin Franklin’s role in establishing such institutions as a practical way to serve the common good.

The religious and philosophical outlook of many Enlightenment thinkers and American Founders, including Jefferson and Franklin. Deism posits a creator who set the universe in motion with natural laws but does not intervene in human affairs through miracles or divine revelation. This worldview emphasizes reason and observation of the natural world as the means to understand God.

A philosophical distinction developed by David Hume that separates truths into two types: “synthetic truths,” which depend on empirical evidence, and “analytic truths,” which are true by definition. Isaacson uses this framework to explain the significance of describing the Declaration’s principles as “self-evident,” grounding them in reason rather than religious dogma or observational proof.

A condition within John Locke’s theory of property stating that individuals may take resources from the commons for their private use only so long as “enough, and as good, [is] left in common for others” (49). Isaacson uses this principle to discuss the balance between individual enterprise and the preservation of shared public resources.

A social class whose status and rewards are derived primarily from educational credentials rather than hereditary wealth or title. The author contends that the modern focus on cultivating this elite has devalued other forms of contribution, reduced opportunities for the majority of Americans without college degrees, and undermined the American Dream.

A concept, favored by Thomas Jefferson, for an elite ruling class based on talent and virtue (“genius”) rather than noble birth. Jefferson advocated for a state-sponsored education system designed to identify and elevate these individuals. Isaacson discusses this idea alongside Benjamin Franklin’s emphasis on expanding opportunity through public institutions and education.

A phrase used in the Declaration of Independence that, in the book’s analysis, carries a specific philosophical meaning beyond just “obvious.” By substituting this for Jefferson’s original “sacred,” Benjamin Franklin was classifying the Declaration’s claims as “analytic truths” that are true by logic and definition, discoverable through reason alone.

A term borrowed from philosopher Michael Sandel describing the erosion of common ground in American life. It refers to the growing separation of shared public spaces and experiences by wealth, with affluent groups enjoying exclusive access in metaphorical and literal “skyboxes” apart from the wider public.

A foundational concept in Enlightenment political theory, holding that governments derive their legitimacy from an agreement among the people to leave the “state of nature” (4) and unite in a community for mutual protection and order. This theory posits that governing authority comes from “We the people” (3) not from the divine right of kings.

A theoretical concept used by philosophers like Hobbes and Locke to describe the human condition before the formation of governments. This presocial state was described by Hobbes as an “anarchic war of all against all” (4), where life is insecure and dangerous, thus motivating people to form a social contract and create a civil society.

A category of truth within “Hume’s fork” that must be confirmed through empirical evidence and observation of the world. The statement “London is bigger than Philadelphia” (8), for example, is a synthetic truth because its validity depends on factual data, not on the definition of the words. This stands in contrast to “analytic truths.”