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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of physical abuse, racism, and gender discrimination.
The organized women’s rights movement in the United States began at the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention in New York. Led by activists Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, the convention produced the Declaration of Sentiments, a document that deliberately echoed the 1776 Declaration of Independence. By stating “that all men and women are created equal” (85), its authors highlighted the hypocrisy of a nation founded on principles of liberty while denying half its population basic political and civil rights. As Norah O’Donnell details, this document became the foundational text for the suffrage movement, outlining grievances such as the denial of the vote, property rights, and educational opportunities.
This historical event is central to We the Women, which frames the fight for women’s equality as a 250-year struggle to make the US live up to its founding ideals. The event was crucial for introducing the goal of women’s suffrage to a broader audience. While some of the organizers, including Mott, were hesitant to include voting rights in their outlined goals, abolitionist Frederick Douglass, the sole African American in attendance, argued for its inclusion. The convention received mixed responses from local newspapers, with more progressive outlets commending the organizers’ efforts, while many condemned the idea of women voting, speaking publicly, and seeking opportunities outside the domestic sphere. It would be another 72 years before the 19th Amendment passed in the US, and it would be even longer before women of color would similarly receive the right to vote.
The early women’s rights movement was deeply intertwined with the abolitionist movement of the mid-19th century, with major advances in both made amid the Civil War era. Many women who became leaders in the fight for suffrage, such as the Grimké sisters and Lucretia Mott, began their activism by speaking out against slavery. This work provided them with organizational skills and a public platform, but it also exposed the deep sexism of the era, as they were often criticized for stepping outside the “sphere of domestic interests and duties ” by engaging in political discourse (16). The text highlights how many abolitionists and suffragettes worked alongside one another, such as Frederick Douglass attending the Seneca Falls Convention or Black writer Elizabeth Forten marrying and working alongside the nephew of the Grimké sisters who co-founded the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
Furthermore, the book explores the dual struggle faced by Black women activists, who battled both racism and sexism, sometimes even within progressive circles. For example, the text profiles Sojourner Truth, an abolitionist and formerly enslaved woman who famously challenged the narrow, white-centric view of womanhood at an 1851 women’s rights convention. Her most famous speech, “Ain’t I a Woman,” underscored the fact that the fight for equality was not monolithic. The text highlights the many occasions in which Black suffragettes were deprioritized or excluded by their white cohort. These failures of the early feminist movement led to the concept of intersectional feminism, an ideology that accounts for the intersecting forms of prejudice faced by women of different marginalized groups.
The ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920, which granted women the right to vote, was the result of a grueling, decades-long campaign that employed a wide range of strategies. As We the Women documents, the movement combined mainstream lobbying efforts with more radical, confrontational tactics. While some suffragists focused on state-by-state campaigns and polite petitioning, a new generation of activists, led by Alice Paul, adopted more militant approaches. O’Donnell details how these women, known as the “Silent Sentinels,” picketed the White House and endured arrests, imprisonment, and brutal force-feedings during hunger strikes. This context demonstrates the sacrifice required to achieve what the book calls “the single greatest act of mass enfranchisement in history” (197). The combination of these strategies ultimately created the political pressure that led to the amendment’s passage.
However, the victory of 1920 was incomplete, notoriously prioritizing only white women’s right to vote. The book critically examines the movement’s limitations, particularly its frequent exclusion of women of color. To gain support from Southern politicians, mainstream white suffrage organizations often sidelined Black activists. For instance, O’Donnell recounts how civil-rights leader Ida B. Wells was asked to march at the back of the 1913 suffrage parade in Washington, DC, a request she defied. As the text notes, even after the 19th Amendment was ratified, systemic barriers like poll taxes and literacy tests meant that “women of color were often excluded” from voting for decades (140). This important context reinforces the book’s central thesis that progress in America is an ongoing, imperfect process and that many of its “hidden heroes” had to continue their fight for true equality long after landmark victories were won.



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