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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of child abuse, physical abuse, emotional abuse, and death by suicide.
Researchers have so far examined 22 pairs of Chinese twin adoptees who were separated during the peak adoption years. But Esther and Shuangjie’s situation is unprecedented: No other known case involves one twin remaining with her birth parents in China while the other was adopted by Americans. The contrast in their personalities—Shuangjie’s reticence, fitting the cultural norm of not standing out, and Esther’s assuredness, shaped by her American upbringing—raises the question of nature versus nurture.
Demick surveys twin studies. Psychologist Thomas Bouchard compares identical twins raised apart to the “Rosetta Stone” (253), calling them uniquely valuable for disentangling genetic from environmental influences. His Minnesota Center for Twin and Family Research began in 1979 after he read about the “Jim twins”—two men named James, separated at birth, who independently married women named Linda, divorced, and remarried women named Betty, among other uncanny parallels. The center eventually located 137 pairs raised apart, 81 identical.
Notable cases included twins separated in 1933, with one raised in the Hitler Youth and the other on an Israeli kibbutz; two sets of Colombian identical twins swapped at a hospital; and the three subjects of the 2018 documentary Three Identical Strangers—Bobby Shafran, Eddy Galland, and David Kellman. These triplets were deliberately separated as newborns by the Louise Wise Services adoption agency for a secret psychological experiment conceived by psychiatrist Viola Bernard. When the deception came to light in the 1980s, the subjects described feeling like laboratory animals. One triplet, Galland, later died by suicide. It is unclear what the study purpose was: The researcher who oversaw the study, Peter Neubauer, left his papers sealed at Yale until 2065.
The field of twin studies includes other disturbing legacies. Its founder, Sir Francis Galton, was a committed eugenicist. During WWII, infamous Nazi torturer Josef Mengele wanted “twin research to validate Nazi theories about racial differences,” experimenting on thousands of twins by “infecting one with a disease, then killing both so that he could dissect their organs” (255). The Minnesota center received funding from groups tied to eugenics. Because twin research emphasizes genetic determinism, it conflicts with liberal arguments for social investment in education and housing. In his book Twins: And What They Tell Us About Who We Are, author Lawrence Wright argues that the discipline remains both politically explosive and scientifically valuable, having led to genuine breakthroughs in understanding autism spectrum disorder, alcohol addiction, obesity, mental illness, and cancer heritability.
Twin expert Nancy Segal of California State University, Fullerton, has found that identical twins raised apart can be as similar as those raised together; they tend to converge as they age, possibly because adults are freer to act on inherited tendencies and less constrained by upbringing. A Segal study of middle-aged South Korean twins found that the twin adopted in the United States had worse health outcomes and a lower IQ than the one raised by her birth family in Seoul, challenging assumptions that placement in a wealthier country is an automatic advantage.
Demick compares Esther’s and Shuangjie’s circumstances at 18. Esther had material comforts but had lost her adoptive father at nine, lived an insular life, and had no clear path to college. Shuangjie, raised by devoted parents in a dynamic city, was already self-supporting. A New York Times article concluded that upward mobility in China in 2018 exceeded that of the United States, a finding that seemed to describe the twins directly. However, in hindsight, Demick wonders whether her optimism of 2019 was a misjudgment.
When the group flew home from China in February 2019, they were already planning a follow-up visit to the United States for Shuangjie. Months later, the author visited Esther in Texas to discuss logistics, and Esther sent gifts for the Zeng family to be hand-delivered on the author’s planned return trip for Lunar New Year 2020. That trip was canceled on the morning of January 25, 2020, when contacts inside China confirmed the novel coronavirus was spreading far faster than the government had admitted. Days later, Changsha reported its first cases. On February 7, 34-year-old Li Wenliang, a Wuhan ophthalmologist who had been officially reprimanded for warning colleagues about the virus, died of the disease. When his death provoked nationwide grief and fury, the Chinese government responded with sweeping lockdowns, mandatory health-tracking apps, and a near-total suspension of international travel.
Diplomatic relations deteriorated sharply. The United States accused China of obstructing investigations into the outbreak’s origins. China promoted claims blaming Americans and stirred waves of anti-US sentiment. President Trump used “China virus” rhetoric, further straining relations, and Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross publicly framed the outbreak as an economic opportunity for the United States. Nearly the entire US press corps was expelled from China; those who stayed, including Alice Su, the Los Angeles Times Beijing bureau chief, faced physical assault and online harassment.
China faced more setbacks as domestically produced vaccines proved less effective than hoped. The government implemented a zero-COVID policy that confined millions to their homes, with workers in protective suits enforcing closures. After a fatal apartment fire in Urumqi, where residents could not flee their locked-down building, the largest nationwide protests in decades erupted. In December 2022, the government abruptly lifted all restrictions with no preparation; epidemiologists estimate that 1.4 million people died in the five weeks that followed. In January 2023, Xi Jinping assumed an unprecedented third term, after constitutional term limits had been abolished.
China has since reopened but the atmosphere has changed. Demick notes a strong cult of personality around Xi, curtailed academic freedom, and an economic slowdown marked by collapsed real estate values, falling foreign investment, and sluggish consumer spending. More starkly, China’s population began shrinking in 2022 for the first time since the Maoist famine, recording 9 million births against 11.1 million deaths in 2023. The same Family Planning apparatus that once forced sterilizations and abortions now offers cash incentives and household appliances to encourage childbearing—a reversal Zanhua describes as deeply hypocritical. In September 2024, China formally ended its international adoption program, citing insufficient domestic supply and shifting global norms.
During this time, the oldest Zeng sister, Ping, has had a third child without penalty. Zanhua returned to Hunan during the lockdowns to care for her ailing mother, took a factory job manufacturing cellphone cases, then quit for better prospects; her son now earns double her former salary as a mechanic. Her mother has since died. Yan left work as a barista and became a hairdresser. Shuangjie’s private kindergarten was permanently shuttered by the pandemic; she later worked at a government kindergarten, then shifted to teaching calligraphy. She lives with Yan in Hubei Province, is learning to drive, and remains unmarried—a choice Zanhua endorses.
In the United States, Esther and her sister Victoria worked at the supermarket checkout through the pandemic, occasionally encountering anti-Asian hostility. Esther’s wedding photography career has since flourished; she shoots primarily on film, travels nationally for commissions, and is active on social media. She married in 2022 and introduced her husband to the Zeng family via video call. Lunar New Year video chats in 2024 and 2025 showed a renovated Zeng home and a visibly contented Shuangjie. Esther and Zanhua now communicate regularly through photographs and emojis, their bond deepening despite the language barrier. Esther still has recurring nightmares of being chased, possibly connected to her early abduction, but navigates her adoptee identity with notable equanimity. When asked if she plans to return to China, she confirmed that she does, but wants to visit Italy first.
The once seemingly impossible task of locating Chinese adoptees’ birth families has been transformed by social media and commercial DNA testing. What felt in 2009 like searching for a single grain of sand in a country of 1.4 billion has become, in many cases, achievable. Several hundred successful matches have been documented, with the number growing rapidly.
The older approach involved adoptive families flying to China, hiring local guides, and posting notices near the child’s reported finding location. It occasionally worked: Fourteen-year-old Haley Butler of Nashville was tapped on the shoulder by a stranger who recognized her resemblance to a cousin’s daughters, leading to a same-day reunion with her birth father. But such outcomes were exceptional because orphanages routinely falsified finding locations to conceal the purchase of trafficked babies.
Brian Stuy, a leading figure in adoptee searching, matched 240 adoptees with birth families by early 2025. After years of shoe-leather investigation, Stuy concluded the future belonged to genetics. In 2013, he and his wife Longlan launched DNAConnect, collecting DNA from Chinese birth parents and uploading the profiles to commercial databases. The Stuys hold profiles for more than 1,300 birth families; their annual matches rose from 29 in 2023 to 61 in 2024. A separate nonprofit, the Nanchang Project, co-founded by adoptive mother Erin Valentino, uses a Chinese National Police DNA registry to similar effect.
A particularly resonant case involved Zhou Changqi, a Hunan father whose infant daughter disappeared in 2002 when his wife escaped government detention to avoid forced sterilization. Zhou submitted DNA to the Stuys in 2013. Years later, his daughter took a DNA test and, on an impulse, checked a box to look for relatives. At the top of her results appeared an unfamiliar name listed as “Father” (284). Through Stuy, she learned her father had been searching for her for 20 years. She then connected on WeChat with her brother, Zhou Jiahai, who explained the family’s history of poverty, displacement, and loss.
Not everyone wants to be found. Esther’s sister Victoria explicitly declined to investigate her own origins, reasoning that she had no unmet need. Many adoptees fear rejection, worried about meeting financial expectations, or dread being perceived as disloyal to their adoptive families. Moreover, genetic testing can produce unwanted revelations.
Demick recounts several stories of successful searches. Adoptive mother Jennifer Doering, who had chosen China specifically for the finality of its adoptions, inadvertently discovered her daughter had an identical twin, which ultimately led to the birth parents’ identification. Adoptive father Wesley Hagood’s obsessive and ultimately unproductive years of searching through flyers, surreptitious teacup DNA collection, and attempted hacker recruitment were all rendered unnecessary when his daughter simply took a 23andMe test in 2015 and matched a first cousin. One birth couple left a note with their abandoned daughter asking her to meet them on a specific bridge on a holiday date; after years of vigils, they reunited with their daughter, violinist Kati Pohler, in 2018. Yale student Jenna Cook spent 2012 in Wuhan meeting 50 families who might have been hers, and though she never found her own birth parents, she documented a grief that had spread across the entire country.
In China, searching is politically charged: It implicitly indicts the one-child policy, which remains officially sensitive. China is thus unlikely to establish anything resembling a formal truth and reconciliation process, given the Communist Party’s pattern of suppressing uncomfortable history. Yet Demick hopes that open discussion and a centralized DNA registry will be permitted, so that those adoptees who wish to know their origins can find them.
The final chapters oscillate between biographical updates and macro-level geopolitical shifts to illustrate how individual trajectories are impacted by larger forces. Esther’s and Shuangjie’s divergent adulthoods, such as Esther’s burgeoning wedding photography business and Shuangjie’s transition to tutoring calligraphy, take place against the chaotic backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic, deteriorating US-China diplomatic relations, and China’s economic stagnation under leader Xi Jinping. Demick focuses on the unpredictability of global trends. A 2018 newspaper article predicted higher upward mobility in China than the United States, but the pandemic abruptly undercut this potential future as sweeping lockdowns and mass fatalities rocked both countries. This mirrored the fluctuations in the twins’ lives, underscoring Demick’s broader biographical project: positioning the adoptee experience not as an isolated familial event, but as a direct corollary of modern international relations.
Demick uses the scientific discourse of twin studies to dismantle the prevailing savior narrative associated with international adoption. She surveys the fraught history of identical twins raised apart. Although these cases have been called a “Rosetta Stone” for human development research (253), the field is shadowed by historical antecedents in Nazism and the eugenics movement, and by unethical practices, such as the Louise Wise Services deliberately separating triplets to study genetic determinism. Nevertheless, modern findings add interesting resonance to the theme of Twinship, Identity, and Belonging. Nancy Segal’s modern study of Korean twins has challenged assumptions about the inherent advantages of Western adoption, revealing that a twin adopted by an American family exhibited a lower IQ and poorer health outcomes than her sister raised in South Korea. Demick applies this comparative lens to Esther and Shuangjie, contrasting Esther’s early loss of her adoptive father and insular homeschooling with Shuangjie’s self-supporting independence and stable upbringing. Introducing quantitative and historical research elevates the comparison of the twins from anecdotal observation to sociological critique, emphasizing that placement in a wealthier country does not guarantee emotional, physical, or socioeconomic superiority.
Likewise, the science of genetic testing illustrates the democratization of truth in the face of institutional deception, becoming its own brand of Grassroots Resistance to Authoritarianism. Birth-family searches have gone from relying on physical posters and investigative fieldwork—which routinely failed because orphanages actively falsified children’s origin documents to conceal trafficking—to commercial autosomal DNA databases, in which individuals can bypass official channels to find one another. The reunion between Zhou Changqi and his biological daughter, Mia Griffin, came about solely because Mia submitted a swab to a commercial registry on a whim: The family’s DNA was an archive incorruptible by bureaucratic sleight of hand. However, this new facility introduces emotional complexity: Some, like Esther’s sister Victoria, actively resist the intrusion of DNA testing, wary of unwanted revelations or compounding rejection. Still, access to DNA registries reflects a sweeping shift in the adoptee community, providing marginalized individuals with the unprecedented agency to reclaim suppressed personal histories.
The final chapters highlight an ideological conflict between state-mandated amnesia and the individual necessity for historical reckoning. Following the demographic crisis sparked by the one-child policy, the same Family Planning apparatus that previously enforced brutal sterilizations and child confiscations has now been tasked with distributing cash incentives to encourage childbearing. The state’s abrupt policy reversal was presented alongside its ongoing suppression of adoption-related inquiries, treating birth family searches as politically sensitive indictments of past governance. Conversely, Yale student Jenna Cook’s encounters with 50 grieving families in Wuhan exposed a vast, unaddressed trauma, demonstrating a collective refusal to forget. The proliferation of adoptee DNA databases and ongoing cross-cultural communication—such as Esther and Zanhua consistently exchanging photographs despite language barriers—demonstrates a persistent effort to bridge the gaps created by draconian policies. The government’s pivot to pronatalism without formally acknowledging the violence of the one-child era reduces citizens to mere demographic variables. In contrast, the tenacious searching by adoptees and birth parents asserts the enduring psychological weight of these policies. Demick ends on a critique: While the authoritarian state might easily abolish a policy, the intergenerational trauma that policy inflicted remains a permanent historical and human scar.



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