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Karen ArmstrongA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Following the First Fitnah, Caliph Mu’Awiya (r. 661-680), a member of the Umayyad family, managed to reunite the ummah by reestablishing control of the military and enforcing the separation of Arab soldiers and the populations they had conquered. Armstrong argues that the expansion of the ummah demanded a more absolutist form of government that was at odds with Muhammad’s egalitarian teachings. Dissatisfied with the Umayyads’ consolidation of power and wealth, Ali’s son Hussain launched an uprising, but he and his troops were slaughtered by Umayyad forces in Iraq. This conflict would come to be known as the Second Fitnah. The Umayyads were able to regain control of the ummah for a brief period, but the general population of the Caliphate was growing increasingly uneasy about the hierarchies that were central to the government’s structure.
Armstrong writes that the theological questions about the nature of political power that had been raised by the Fitnahs were as profound to the Muslim faith as the early Christological debates had been to Christianity. Several religious movements that opposed the absolutism and exorbitance of the Caliphs emerged, and a new jurisprudential culture aimed at standardizing legal interpretations of Islamic Law (Shariah) motivated the creation of a new class of legal scholars called ulama, who helped to integrate spiritual teachings into the legal landscape of the Caliphate.
After being defeated by European forces at Poitiers in 732, the Umayyad Caliphate retreated to Spain, which would remain the farthest reach of the empire. The final Umayyad Caliphs began prioritizing religious policies rather than economic ones; Umar II (r. 717-270), for example, began encouraging dhimmis to convert to Islam. Armstrong argues that although these religious policies resulting in religious contentment amongst the population, the political infrastructure of the Caliphate began to crumble. At the same time, a schism within the religion occurred, with the followers of Ali branding themselves “Shia.” General discontent amongst former dhimmis who were now being treated as second-class Muslims, and the destabilization caused by the schism, allowed the Abbasid family to seize control and establish their own Caliphate.
The first Abbasid Caliphs consolidated power by massacring as many Umayyads and Shias as they could find. They established their capital in Baghdad and began enacting policies that destroyed the ethno-religious hierarchies that had been put in place by the Umayyads. Influenced by the Sassanid monarchs of pre-Islamic Iraq, the Caliphs lived in isolated luxury and flirted with absolutism. Meanwhile, the Shias began treating the descendants of Ali as spiritual leaders (Imams), rather than political ones. The Imams practiced a mystical form of Islam that appealed to the elite classes, while the Sunnis developed a more pragmatic form of worship based on jurisprudence. Legal scholars (ulamah) innovated the concept of Shariah, an Islamic Law grounded in the religious texts. In the ninth century, a civil war ensued over a dynastic dispute. As Shariah ideology became more coherent and more populist, the divine authority of the Abbasid Caliphs was increasingly dubious.
During the Abbasid years, a complex culture of philosophical and theological Islamic study emerged. These new schools of Islam were only accessible to the educated elite, who believed that their own ideas would be misinterpreted by uneducated people. In response to the hyper-pragmatic jurisprudential culture that was developing in the public sphere, the esoterics incorporated mystical themes into their practice of Islam.
The theology of the Shias, who continued to believe that the rightful caliphs were the descendants of Muhammad, was radically transformed when the 12th generation Imam disappeared under mysterious circumstances in 874. Shias began calling him the Hidden Imam, transforming him into a messianic cult figure, believing that he would return to the earthly realm and initiate an era of divine justice. This school of Shia Islam would later be called Twelver Shiism, and the majority of Shia Muslims in the present day are Twelver Shias. Other Shias believed that the line of legitimate Imams had ended much earlier, and called themselves Seveners or Ismailis.
The importation of ancient Greek and Roman philosophical texts had a profound effect on the esoteric movements as well. Thinkers like al-Kindi (d. 870) and al-Farabi (d. 950) believed that philosophy offered the devout a route to a more transcendent form of Islam, less constrained by the worldly and more concerned with the deepest part of the soul. This kind of thinking was popular amongst Sunni mystics (sufis), who were just as concerned about whether the Caliphate was continuing the spiritual mission of Muhammad as the Shias were. When the Abbasid Caliphate eventually crumbled, Armstrong argues that everyday Muslims would be spiritually liberated.
In the second section of the book, Islam becomes more geographically and ideologically diverse, and the narrative structure of the book reflects the increasing complexity of the Islamic world. While Armstrong’s narrative remains chronologically structured, she must often jump back and forth between different places and groups to give a well-rounded sense of various events that occur at roughly the same time. During the reigns of the Rashidun, The Tension Between Religious and Secular Approaches to Government rises to the forefront of the text. Of course, none of the figures from the early Islamic period were secularists in the modern sense, but Armstrong uses their stories to show how the intellectuals of Muhammad’s world wrestled with the often-conflicting political and spiritual needs of their communities.
The Umayyads and the Abbasids navigated this conflict differently from each other, with the Abbasids committing more fully to absolutism than the Umayyads did, while simultaneously relaxing cultural hierarchies that the Umayyads had enforced. In doing so, the Abbasids sought to uphold Muhammad's egalitarian ideals while maintaining control over their empire. By contrast, the Umayyads sacrificed egalitarianism while also shying away from absolutism. As summarized by Armstrong, there was a seeming “ impossibility of integrating the religious imperative in the harsh world of politics, which seemed murderously antagonistic to it” (72). The Caliphs’ deprioritized spiritual integrity in favor of political power, leading to widespread dissatisfaction, as evidenced by the rise of the esoteric movements in Chapter 8. By juxtaposing these empires, Armstrong demonstrates that neither Caliphate managed to strike the correct balance between pragmatism and spiritualism; in Armstrong’s view, this was an impossible balance to strike. Muhammad’s idyllic ummah in Part 1 was a fundamentally different political entity than the ummah of the early Caliphates, which was expanded to the point of abstraction.
Armstrong frames mystical or esoteric movements in Islam as a reaction to the increasing legalism of the Islamic mainstream. In a survey text like Islam: A Short History, Armstrong does not have the space to examine at length the theological intricacies of such complex movements. As such, the only major distinction she is able to draw is between the Sunni esotericisms (primarily Sufism) and the Shia esotericisms (especially Twelver Shiism). Although earlier chapters address the deepening divide between Sunni and Shia Islam, Chapter 8 is the first to emphasize the profound theological, rather than political, differences between the two branches of Islam. Counterintuitively, however, the chapter also traces the common political interest of these movements, which were both concerned about the Caliphs’ perceived abandonment of religious values. Armstrong’s account portrays the downfall of the Caliphates as partially a result of the joint dissent of Sunni and Shia groups. As much as she emphasizes External Influences on Islamic Thought, Politics, and Culture, Armstrong also traces the interactions among Islamic movements and sects. In this section, she traces the strain placed on a young religion as it gains political power over an ever wider and more diverse population: “In the tenth century, the more perceptive Muslims could see that the caliphate was in trouble, but so alien was it to the spirit of Islam that Muslims”— both Sunni and Shia— “would experience its decline as a liberation” (106). An overall trend of this section, therefore, is a growing distance between the Islamic ruling classes and everyday people; a stark contrast with the earlier period, when Muhammad himself had had a personal relationship with most of his followers. Readers may interpret the esoteric movements as an attempt by some Muslims to make up for that distance by cultivating a more directly personal relationship with god.



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