Islam: A Short History

Karen Armstrong

50 pages 1-hour read

Karen Armstrong

Islam: A Short History

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2000

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Part 4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 4: “Islam Triumphant”

Part 4, Chapter 13 Summary: “Imperial Islam (1500-1700)”

In the 16th century, gunpowder became available outside of East Asia for the first time, allowing militaristic Islamic powers to flourish. Armstrong identifies three key Empires as being a part of this trend: The Safavid Empire, the Mughal Empire (also spelled “Moghul”), and the Ottoman Empire. She briefly acknowledges that lesser-known Muslim polities were also flourishing in far-flung places like Malaysia, so on the whole, she brands this two-hundred year span as a “triumphant” period for Islam. Furthermore, she argues that unlike the early Caliphates, these empires adhered more closely to Shariah and were therefore more truly Islamic than the empires of prior eras. Looming, however, was the increasing global influence of Christian Europe, an issue that would not make itself fully apparent to the Islamic world until the eighteenth century.

Part 4, Chapter 14 Summary: “The Safavid Empire”

The first of the three great Muslim empires discussed by Armstrong is the Safavid Empire, based in Azerbaijan and Iran. Following the withdrawal of the Mongol Empire, this region had been in a state of political uncertainty. Ismail I, the first Safavid Shah, used a militarist method of conquest and governance (inherited from the Mongols), to convert Iran to Shia Islam; Iran remains a predominantly Shia country to this day. Although Armstrong argues that the notion of a Shia government was self-contradictory, given that Shia Imams had sought to distance themselves from politics for centuries, she asserts that Ismail was unconcerned with this higher-order theological debate. The Safavid Empire flourished for over two centuries, but its authority was eventually undermined by the ulama, who, under the Usulism movement, had asserted that they were the sole authorities of Islamic law.

Part 4, Chapter 15 Summary: “The Moghul Empire”

In the mid-16th century, a new Islamic Empire named after the Mongols (“Mughal”) emerged in Northern India. For centuries, India had been a society of many religious traditions, and Armstrong argues that the Mughals had to accept this religious plurality in order to hold onto their power. Mughal Emperors utilized the militaristic governing styles of their Mongol forbears, but practiced a religious tolerance that was uncommon in the Islamic world at the time. Some Muslims were incensed by this tolerance, and their calls to crush the other Indian faith groups eventually influenced the later Mughal emperors, who embarked on campaigns to destroy Hindu and Sikh temples. They neglected the economic needs of the empire, and eventually it collapsed. This political failure only reaffirmed the intolerance of some Sufi thinkers, who blamed multiculturalism for the decline of the Empire.

Part 4, Chapter 16 Summary: “The Ottoman Empire”

The longest-lasting of the Muslim empires would be the Ottoman Empire, which took control of the former Byzantine capital, Constantinople, in 1453. Ottoman Emperors expanded their territory north into the Balkans, where they came face-to-face with Europeans, whose rapidly developing thought and technology were of great interest. Ottoman governance emphasized the authority of Shariah and established a unified system of Shariah courts. An increasingly conservative body of ulama discouraged the general population from engaging with the innovative technology and thought that was being imported from Europe. Early Islamic fundamentalists preached a return to a more pure, “original” form of Islam. As Islamic society grew more rigid and resistant to change, European cultures were gradually developing new societal structures that would allow them to achieve political dominance on a global scale.

Part 4 Analysis

Structurally, Part 4 resembles Part 2 in that it compares and contrasts major Islamic empires. In Part 4, however, the three empires addressed are roughly contemporaneous with each other. Whereas comparisons between the Umayyad and Abbasid Caliphates raised questions about the ideal balance between religious and political leadership in an Islamic context, , the comparison between the Mughal, Safavid, and Ottoman empires raises questions about religious tolerance and intolerance. In particular, Armstrong’s narrative of the Mughal Empire serves to highlight the strengths of religious tolerance and the pitfalls of religious intolerance.


Firstly, Armstrong is careful to emphasize the resilience of Indian civilization, which she argues is tied directly to its cultural philosophy of religious coexistence. This philosophy offers another example of External Influences on Islamic Thought, Politics, and Culture, as the Islamic government of the Mughal Empire had to contend with the cosmopolitanism of its environment: “During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Hindus of all castes and even a few Muslims had joined forces in establishing a spiritualized, contemplative form of monotheism, which forswore sectarian intolerance,” she writes, “Universalism was firmly established in India, and an intolerant polity would run against the grain of Indic culture” (148). In India, the Mughals encountered a status quo of tolerance that had been hundreds of years in the making and would not be simple to undermine. Armstrong goes on to highlight the cultural feats that the Mughals were able to achieve in this tolerant ethos. Of Shah Jihan, she asserts, “His Taj Mahal continued his grandfather’s tradition of blending Muslim with Hindu styles of architecture. At his court, he patronized Hindu poets and Muslim scientific works were translated into Sanskrit” (150). For contemporary readers unfamiliar with the history of Mughal India, the Taj Mahal will be an immediately familiar reference point, and will illustrate the cultural prowess of the Mughals.


These cultural heights having been demonstrated, Armstrong is able to make clear the depth of cultural loss that occurred once the Mughals shifted towards a more intolerant mode of government. “The jizyah was reimposed, and the taxes of Hindu merchants were doubled. Worst of all, Hindu temples were destroyed all over the empire. The response showed how wise the previous tolerance had been,” Armstrong asserts in a clear statement of support for religious tolerance (151). This shift illustrates The Tension Between Religious and Secular Approaches to Government. The more rigid the Moghul’s religious rule became, the more it led to conflict with those of other faiths. This theme of cultural opportunity amidst tolerance and cultural loss amidst intolerance is carried through in Armstrong’s discussions of the Safavid and Ottoman Empires. In the case of the Ottomans, she frames Ottoman interest in European innovations as a missed opportunity to build cultural resilience in the lead up to the age of colonialism:


Where the court was still open to the new ideas coming from Europe, the madrasahs became centres of opposition to any experimentation that derived from the European infidels… The ulama’s influence with the people coloured major sectors of Ottoman society, making them resistant to the idea of change at a time when change was inevitable (157).


As such, Part 4 makes an argument for religious tolerance in all times. This endorsement of religious tolerance is carried through in the final section of the book, which will bring The Importance of Debunking Misconceptions About Islam to its culmination.

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