Regime Change: Inside the Imperial Presidency of Donald Trump

Maggie Haberman, Jonathan Swan
71 pages2-hour read
Nonfiction
Book
Adult
Published in 2026

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Part 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of death, graphic violence, racism, and cursing.

Part 3: “The Enemy Within”

Part 3, Chapter 24 Summary

On August 5, Stephen Miller informed President Trump of a recent assault on a young DOGE employee, Edward “Big Balls” Coristine. Miller framed the incident as an attack by “thugs” and used it to convince Trump to immediately approve a pre-written executive order authorizing the use of the National Guard for a takeover of Washington, DC. This action aligned with Trump’s long-held desire to deploy troops in American cities, a view he expressed in 1990 by praising the Tiananmen Square crackdown and later during the 2020 George Floyd protests, when he raged at aides who resisted his desire to deploy the military against protestors.


The administration’s first major domestic military action occurred in Los Angeles, California, in June, where federal immigration raids sparked violent protests. Trump sent in the National Guard without the consent of California Governor Gavin Newsom. The deployment was later ruled a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act, which limits the military’s role in domestic law enforcement. Following the assault on Coristine, Miller coordinated a federal takeover of the DC police, which Trump justified as a necessary measure to combat crime and clear out encampments of unhoused people.


Further attempts to deploy troops in Portland, Oregon, were met with hesitation from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, who, according to leaked messages, wanted clearer authorization from Trump. A judge ultimately blocked the Portland deployment. As legal challenges mounted, Trump began threatening to invoke the Insurrection Act, a law that would grant him sweeping authority to use the military for domestic law enforcement. A confidential memo from Staff Secretary Will Scharf outlined the act’s immense power but privately cautioned against its use. Just before Thanksgiving, two National Guard members were shot in Washington, DC, making a continued military presence on city streets seem all but certain.

Part 3, Chapter 25 Summary

In Trump’s second term, the White House’s official communications strategy was radically transformed under the leadership of Communications Director Steven Cheung. Adopting the tone of an online troll, Cheung’s office deliberately used abusive and offensive language, with Cheung publicly telling a journalist to “shut the fuck up” and using abusing language toward congressmen (285). Described by Trump as his “Luca Brasi,” Cheung was personally encouraged by the president to “never change” his aggressive campaign style.


Cheung and his digital head, Kaelan Dorr, who staffed his team with young right-wing culture warriors rather than government professionals, aimed to create viral content that served a dual purpose: deterring illegal immigration and provoking the political Left into defending criminals. The administration’s social-media channels posted a stream of inflammatory content, including a video of shackled migrants titled, “ASMR: Illegal Alien Deportation Flight” (286), and an animated meme in the style of Japan’s Studio Ghibli depicting a weeping deportee. To further bait their opponents, they set videos of ICE raids to the music of liberal artists like Olivia Rodrigo, knowing the ensuing outrage would amplify their message.


This strategy of taunting and provocation was adopted by other high-profile officials, including Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Border Patrol Commander Gregory Bovino. The approach was so pervasive that it influenced political opponents like California Governor Newsom to use similar rhetoric. While the White House succeeded in generating massive online engagement and deterring some migrants, pollsters consistently found that the harsh tactics were a “double-edged sword” (291), alienating the important swing voters who had helped Trump win the 2024 election.

Part 3, Chapter 26 Summary

On September 10, Charlie Kirk, founder of the conservative youth organization Turning Point USA, was assassinated by a lone gunman while speaking at an event in Utah. Kirk’s friends in the administration, including Vice President Vance and Donald Trump Jr., were devastated, experiencing a brief, “horrible window of false hope” after receiving incorrect information that he had survived (294). Trump, unnerved by the attack, came to believe that Kirk was targeted because assassins couldn’t get to the president. The investigation was initially fumbled when the FBI, under Director Kash Patel, arrested the wrong man, prompting a furious Pam Bondi to privately demand that Patel be fired.


The actual killer was identified as Tyler Robinson, a 22-year-old whose stated motive was opposition to Kirk’s “hatred.” While grieving, Vance became consumed by online conspiracy theories, searching for evidence of a broader plot. Stephen Miller, however, saw the tragedy as a political opportunity. Citing recent protests at his own home, Miller leveraged Kirk’s murder to advance his long-held goal of dismantling the institutional Left. He declared the Democratic Party a “domestic extremist organization” and vowed to use the government’s full power to “uproot and dismantle these terrorist networks” in Kirk’s name (301-02).


With Trump’s approval to “go wild,” the administration launched a broad crackdown. On September 25, Trump signed National Security Presidential Memorandum/NSPM-7, which directed the government to counter domestic terrorism. The memorandum focused exclusively on left-wing groups, and it officially designated Miller as the White House official to oversee the initiative, granting him immense authority to coordinate the targeting of the president’s political opposition.

Part 3, Chapter 27 Summary

By late September, Trump was enraged by the lack of progress in his campaign for retribution against his political enemies. He directed his anger at Attorney General Pam Bondi and Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche for failing to indict former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James. He also targeted FBI Director Kash Patel, derisively calling him “Flashy Kash” for his perceived inaction. After US Attorney Erik Siebert resigned, insisting that there was insufficient evidence to charge Comey, Trump nominated his aide Lindsey Halligan, an insurance lawyer with no criminal-law experience, to the position.


On September 20, Trump accidentally made public a Truth Social post demanding that Bondi move forward with the indictments. Despite Blanche’s private warnings that the cases were weak and that Halligan’s appointment was legally questionable, the administration pressed forward. On September 25, Halligan’s office secured an indictment against Comey, followed by an indictment of James on October 9 and of John Bolton a week later. Trump’s goal, he told an advisor, was not necessarily a conviction but to make his enemies’ lives “miserable.”


The victory was short-lived. Just before Thanksgiving, a judge dismissed both the Comey and James indictments. The judge ruled that Halligan’s appointment was invalid and that she had misrepresented the law to the grand jury. Subsequent attempts to indict James were rejected by grand juries. As predicted by Blanche, the rushed pursuit of vengeance collapsed under legal scrutiny, leaving Trump’s retribution agenda stalled at the end of the year.

Part 3 Analysis

In this section, the authors construct a cause-and-effect narrative to argue that the second Trump administration has systematically used isolated crises as pretexts to implement a pre-existing authoritarian agenda. The section begins with Stephen Miller leveraging an assault on a single employee, Edward Coristine, to activate a long-dormant executive order for a military takeover of Washington, DC. Instead of a spontaneous response to crime, the authors establish that this was the fulfillment of Trump’s long-held desire to see troops on American streets. This pattern repeated with destructive consequences after the assassination of Charlie Kirk. The authors portray the administration’s grief as genuine but immediately show how Miller took advantage of the tragedy to launch a sweeping domestic counter-terrorism program targeting the institutional Left. By structuring the narrative this way, the authors contend that major policy shifts were opportunistic political maneuvering, where shocking events provided the perfect justification for plans that were already in place.


The analysis of the White House communications strategy in Chapter 25 reveals a government where policy and spectacle have become indistinguishable. The authors argue that, under Communications Director Steven Cheung, the administration abandoned traditional public information roles in favor of acting as a content studio for the culture wars. The production of inflammatory social-media memes, such as the “ASMR: Illegal Alien Deportation Flight” video and an animated cartoon of a weeping deportee (286), is presented as a core function of governance. This strategy served a dual purpose: to project an image of strength for deterrence and to deliberately provoke opponents into defending unpopular positions. This approach reflects a deep commitment to the theme of Loyalty at the Expense of Governance, as Cheung and his team of young “culture warriors” were valued chiefly for their ability to generate viral outrage and channel the president’s aggressive instincts. The result was an official government voice that was abusive, mocking, and designed to escalate conflict rather than resolve it.


The authors trace a clear and deliberate progression of the administration’s efforts to bypass legal and constitutional limits on executive authority. The deployment of the National Guard in Los Angeles without the governor’s consent, for example, is depicted as a test case that was quickly ruled a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act. Rather than retreating, the administration escalated, with Trump openly threatening to invoke the Insurrection Act. The authors use a confidential memo from Staff Secretary Will Scharf to demonstrate that the White House was fully aware of the act’s “exceptionally broad powers” and its historical use in moments of national crisis (284). This legal maneuvering culminated in National Security Presidential Memorandum/NSPM-7, which established a domestic anti-terrorism task force under Stephen Miller’s direct control. This sequence of events supports the book’s central argument regarding the theme of The Consolidation of Executive Power, showing how the administration systematically moved from challenging existing laws to creating new, unilateral presidential authorities to target its domestic political opposition.


The chaotic and ultimately failed campaign to indict James Comey and Letitia James illustrates how The Weaponization of the Justice System was driven by impulse and a disregard for legal procedure. The authors present Trump’s public demand for prosecutions as a flagrant violation of the traditional separation between the White House and the DOJ. The appointment of Lindsey Halligan—an insurance lawyer with no relevant criminal experience but unquestioned personal loyalty—is shown to be the mechanism for carrying out the president’s vendetta. The swift dismissal of the indictments by a federal judge, who cited Halligan’s invalid appointment and misrepresentation of the law, confirmed the warnings of Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche. Blanche’s prediction that the legally flimsy cases would struggle to get by judges highlights the central conflict of the chapter: a president who wanted his enemies’ lives made “miserable” clashing with a legal system that, while under immense political pressure, still operated on standards of evidence and procedure.

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