Soldiers and Kings: Survival and Hope in the World of Human Smuggling

Jason De León

66 pages 2-hour read

Jason De León

Soldiers and Kings: Survival and Hope in the World of Human Smuggling

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2024

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Key Figures

Content Warning: This section of the guide contains discussion of graphic violence, racism, sexism, substance use, child abuse, and death.

Jason De León

Jason De León is an American anthropologist, a professor at UCLA, and the executive director of the Undocumented Migration Project (UMP), a nonprofit that combines research, art, and education to study clandestine migration. His work, including the previous book The Land of Open Graves, is situated at the intersection of academia and public advocacy, conducted during an era of heightened border externalization and humanitarian crises. De León frames human smuggling not as a moral failing but as a form of labor shaped by state policy, violence, and economic scarcity, challenging simplistic narratives by centering the lived experiences of guides themselves.


De León’s credibility is built on years of immersive fieldwork. He employs participant observation, a major element of ethnography and an anthropological approach that centers a study’s subject’s perspective rather than outside perspectives. He describes this method as a form of “deep hanging out” (8), building rapport with smugglers in safe houses, on train tracks, and in their home communities. This long-term engagement allows him to document the complexities of the smuggling world with nuance, moving beyond the sensationalism of journalism to produce a detailed ethnographic account. 


He presents this as the most accurate and informed manner of studying these cultural phenomena in-depth; however, throughout his research in the narrative, he admits the personal toll of such methods, including feelings of complicity, guilt, and paranoia over the systems or crimes he has been witness to or, potentially, party to. These experiences suggest that the direct interaction with subjects of study can blur the boundaries between researcher and participant that are normally requisite for research to be held to a verifiable standard.


His primary motivation—and the goal achieved through his methodology—is to understand the structural causes behind the smuggling industry. Rather than passing judgment, he investigates why smuggling exists and how US deterrence policies, regional violence, and economic desperation converge to shape the choices of both migrants and their guides. By focusing on the system rather than just the actors, he shifts the analytical lens from individual blame to state accountability. De León’s central argument is that militarized, deterrence-based border enforcement creates the conditions that make smugglers necessary. By making legal pathways inaccessible and clandestine routes more perilous, policies like Mexico’s Programa Frontera Sur inflate the risks and costs of migration. This, in turn, fuels a billion-dollar illicit industry where guides become indispensable.


Ultimately, De León’s purpose is to provoke ethical reflection through narrative ethnography. He seeks to present his subjects as complex individuals navigating a brutal system. He states his position clearly: “I am not trying to ‘humanize’ anyone. Instead, I begin this book with the seemingly radical proposition that those who try to make a living guiding people across hardening geopolitical boundaries are themselves human” (16). Through this lens, Soldiers and Kings becomes an urgent call for policy reconsideration, demanding that readers confront the ambiguous realities and shared responsibilities at the heart of the global migration crisis.

Chino

Juan Roberto Paredes, known by the pseudonym Chino, is the book’s moral and emotional center. Raised in poverty and threatened by gangs in Honduras, he embodies the devastating effects of regional violence and externalized border policies. After being wounded in a machete attack, Chino enters the world of low-budget guiding on Mexico’s train lines. His life story, which ends tragically when he is stabbed in Mexico and later dies from complications in a neglected Honduran hospital, exposes the cycle of risk that follows young men from their homes onto the migrant trail.


Chino’s journey from a teenage rail-rider to a small-scale guide illustrates the survival strategies born of scarcity and coercion. His firsthand narrative provides an on-the-ground map of the smuggling economy, detailing the routes, the collection of cuotas (fees), and the constant negotiations with gangs and corrupt state agents. Through his experiences, De León documents the intricate logistics of moving people through a hostile landscape.


His relationship with Jesmyn, a fellow Honduran migrant, serves as the book’s primary emotional catalyst. Their partnership inspires Chino’s attempt to leave the smuggling life, representing a fragile hope for redemption. However, his subsequent stabbing and agonizing death in an under-resourced hospital reveal how this hope collides with institutional neglect and the inescapable violence of his world. These scenes anchor the narrative’s ethical urgency through an empathetic character.


Chino’s death brings the book’s exploration of risk and consequence to a devastating close. His brief, difficult life and the final reflections at his graveside underline the human toll of a border enforcement system that outsources violence and danger. He is a young “soldier” whose attempts to survive and reform are ultimately overwhelmed by the structural forces that shaped his path.

Kingston

Kingston, a Garifuna smuggler and former US inmate, is presented as a veteran of the many oppressive governing forces of Honduran and migrant life. His life traces a transnational arc of violence: Orphaned and conscripted into the Honduran military as a child, he later migrated to New York, joined the Bloods, and served a lengthy prison sentence. Upon returning to Mexico, he used his training and connections to lead a crew moving Garifuna clients. His story shows how militarized violence, gang hierarchies, and the US carceral system can become forms of capital on the migrant trail.


Kingston’s experience as a crew chief provides De León with an inside look at the business model of smuggling. He explains the industry’s layered structure, from the fee ladders charged to clients to the subcontracting of caminadores (walkers) for specific routes and the “ownership” of border territories by different criminal groups. His narrative unpacks the logistics and power dynamics of a mid-tier smuggling operation.


His character is defined by a deep internal conflict. Throughout the book, he stages multiple “exits” from the smuggling world, only to be drawn back in by the allure of fast money and the lack of viable alternatives. His perspective is captured when he tells De León, “[Y]ou can’t change the train tracks, but they can really change you” (171), a point emphasized through the eventual dissolution of their relationship after he attempts to extract money from De León later in the narrative. Kingston’s struggle marks the limits of individual agency within a system of structural violence, showing why leadership and experience rarely translate into lasting safety or genuine reform.

Flaco

Flaco, a Honduran smuggler and fixer affiliated with MS-13, personifies the middle tier of the smuggling industry: a charismatic operator whose logistical acumen is ultimately checked by the escalating violence of the migrant trail. His journey began as a teenager living on Mexico’s freight trains, followed by a period in the US that ended in prison time and deportation. He then built a career as a regional broker in Mexico, coordinating with conductors, police, and gangs to move migrants north.


Flaco’s story serves to document the financial and logistical backbone of the smuggling economy. De León uses his access to Flaco to make visible the cash flows that sustain the industry, detailing wire receipts, spending patterns on food and bribes, and the system of subcontracting that supports his crew. Through Flaco, De León exhibits how a mid-level guide manages capital, labor, and risk to turn a profit in a dangerous and unpredictable market.


His character embodies the moral ambiguity of his profession. He presents himself as a protector who offers a necessary service, yet he simultaneously participates in a system of taxation, partying, and predation. This conflict is central to De León’s argument that smuggling is a complex form of labor rather than a simple act of villainy. Flaco’s perspective is neatly summarized in his declaration that “if you don’t have friends, you have nothing. So I would rather have a shit ton of friends than a shit ton of money” (148). This frames his work as a social enterprise as much as a financial one, but De León makes clear that these two needs are competing, particularly when Flaco abandons a friendly migrant, Jorge, after robbing the money sent to Jorge to cross the border.


Flaco’s partial retirement to Chiapas, spurred by the rise of cartel kidnappings and the economic hardships of the COVID-19 era, illustrates the limits of a smuggler’s career. As the risks began to outweigh the rewards, he pivoted toward family life and smaller, local hustles. However, his trajectory partially demonstrates the reasons for the trade in the first place; when he is no longer a smuggler, he faces the same systemic oppression and poverty as many others in his position. This downward turn in his fortune demonstrates the powerful grip of the illicit economy on those who enter it.

Santos

Santos is a Honduran guide and former desert drug carrier, described as a “mule,” who functions as a quiet counterpoint to the bravado of other smugglers in the book. Having survived cartel torture and multiple deportations, he represents a man of quiet endurance who maintains ethical boundaries within a violent market. His story illustrates the precarity of low-tier guides, who are constantly pushed toward prison, forced recruitment by cartels, or day labor.


His experience guiding migrants on foot and by rail reveals how random encounters, such as a Christmas Day police sweep that lands him in a Mexican prison for a fight he did not start, can completely reshape a person’s fate. His narrative also articulates the unwritten rules of survival on the trail, including how to pay cuotas, navigate bribery, and avoid unnecessary conflict. His philosophy is encapsulated in the saying that “a wise soldier doesn’t die in war” (79), which Chino later adopts.


Santos’s legacy in the book is defined by his moral resolve. After being released from prison, he is offered work by a cartel but refuses, choosing instead to perform legal, precarious labor near the border while seeking a safer way to cross. As he tells De León, “I don’t think I was born for this type of work” (109). His decision is dangerous but marks the possibility of maintaining ethical limits, even under extreme structural pressure.

Jesmyn

Jesmyn, a young Honduran migrant, serves as a narrative witness whose story challenges the stereotypical portrayal of women on the migrant trail as passive victims or mere companions. Fleeing targeted gang harassment in her hometown, she navigates the dangers of Mexico with savvy and restraint. Her journey highlights the specific strategies women employ—such as performing toughness or strategically seeking protection—to mitigate the heightened gendered risks they face.


Her perspective broadens the book’s ethnographic lens. By documenting how fees, safe houses, and passes work from her vantage point, she provides insights into the smuggling economy that are distinct from those of the male guides. She is both a subject and an analytical narrator in her own right, offering a nuanced account of life on the trail.


Emotionally, Jesmyn anchors the book’s moral stakes. Her relationship with Chino catalyzes his attempt to leave smuggling, demonstrating her agency in altering the trajectories of the men around her. Her resolve at his hospital bedside and her grief after his death provide some of the book’s most emotionally charged moments of testimony, sustaining the narrative’s empathy and ethical weight. Her presence reorients the story, showing women as individuals who proactively shape the narrative.

Papo and Alma

Papo and Alma are a migrant couple who become street-level brokers, embodying the moral ambiguity at the edges of the smuggling economy. Papo, deported from the US for a minor offense, and Alma, fleeing extortion and domestic violence, represent the many families who survive in gang-controlled spaces by navigating a gray market of aid and complicity.


Their trajectory from operating a room-for-rent and informal services near the train tracks in Pakal-Ná to seeking a humanitarian visa and moving inland charts a family’s pivot from overt hustling to quieter, more precarious survival. This shift demonstrates how increased enforcement pushes ordinary people into illicit or semi-licit roles. Their story is thematically important for exposing the survival bargains required in corridors taxed by criminal groups. They relay information to gang gatekeepers while also shielding certain migrants from harm, illustrating the complex negotiations people make when caught between state and criminal pressures.

GOET Agents

The Grupo de Operaciones Especiales Tácticas (GOET) is a specialized Honduran police unit that provides the book with a state-level perspective on migration control. Trained and supported by US agencies, these agents are tasked with detaining and repatriating migrants, including unaccompanied minors, as part of a broader strategy of border externalization. They represent the institutional logic of deterring from a distance, enforcing policies designed to stop migrants long before they reach the US border.


Their role illustrates the direct relationship between binational policy and ground-level tactics. The agents’ cooperation with US counterparts and their use of US-supplied technology show how American border enforcement priorities are projected onto Central American security forces. In their interviews with De León, the agents voice cognitive dissonance, expressing empathy for the people they detain while enforcing the laws that return them to danger. One agent captures this dilemma, stating, “You really feel for them, but it doesn’t matter. We are the law. We have to do our job” (23). Through moments like this, De León utilizes insider perspectives to foreground his own conclusion that the inner workings of smuggling and the struggles of migrants are shaped by dehumanizing policies.

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