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Content Warning: This section of the guide contains discussion of graphic violence, death, racism, anti-gay bias, substance use, and cursing.
In Soldiers and Kings, Jason De León shows how heightened border enforcement reshapes migration into a longer and more dangerous process that strengthens the position of human smugglers. Mexico’s Programa Frontera Sur, modeled on the United States “Prevention Through Deterrence,” breaks up established routes and pushes people into remote areas. These shifts make migrants vulnerable to state agents and criminal groups that patrol the new corridors, and the harsher terrain turns guides into essential companions rather than optional helpers. A growing illicit economy takes shape around this need, and organized crime gains control by taxing guides and benefitting from the enforcement policies meant to stop movement. The result is a far more expensive and lethal journey that does little to address the root cause of migration, such as widespread poverty and gang violence, or catastrophes like the COVID-19 pandemic and hurricanes.
The book traces how these security measures stretch out transit across Mexico and expose people to repeated dangers. Freight trains once allowed a relatively quick trip, but Programa Frontera Sur makes that impossible. Migrants now move on foot through jungle paths and along isolated highways to avoid checkpoints. The guide Santos explains this shift when he notes that a trip to Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz, that once took six days can now drag on for a month. This longer timeline, combined with an imposed detour into “hostile terrain,” increases exposure to corrupt officials, thieves, and the elements. What was once a grueling passage becomes a prolonged ordeal that few can manage on their own.
These conditions create a landscape where smugglers become necessary for survival. As routes grow more complex, migrants turn to guías (guides) who know the checkpoints, backroads, and criminal territories. De León writes that when countries restrict border crossing, people start hiring someone who can “provide protection and safe passage” (3). Arrest, robbery, kidnapping, and murder shadow every stage of the trip, so the experience that low-level guides like Chino and Santos gained on the tracks becomes a marketable lifeline. Their work is precarious, yet for many clients it is the only practical option, which shifts smugglers from marginal figures to central participants in clandestine migration.
This rising dependence fuels a violent economy dominated by organized crime. As demand for guides increases, gangs and cartels take control and impose cuotas (fees) on every movement. In Pakal-Ná, a gangster named Payaso enforces these rules and requires all guides to report and pay fees to MS-13. Smugglers operate inside a system where refusal can mean death. Santos describes the danger: “If you don’t pay the cuota, they kill you. If you pay the cuota but you don’t get along with them, they may just take your money and kill you anyways” (108). Enforcement strategies meant to halt migration end up strengthening criminal networks and creating a cycle where added security produces greater danger, higher costs, and increased reliance on a smuggling industry tied to violent cartels.
Soldiers and Kings complicates the idea of the “evil smuggler” by portraying guías as morally unstable figures shaped by economic precarity and the violent marketplace they inhabit. Jason De León avoids casting them as saviors or villains. Instead, he presents people who might protect or exploit the same client on a single trip. Their shifting behavior emerges from the pressures of survival rather than a fixed moral compass. De León describes them as “destitute men and women trapped in a world of violence and fast money” (5), and their choices reflect that unstable position. In particular, De León emphasizes the restrictive nature of the oppressive system migrants navigate, one that often pushes people toward decisions they find morally compromising.
The book shows how these guides can act as protectors who offer life-saving knowledge. De León separates smuggling, which involves consent, from trafficking, which relies on coercion. Within that distinction, guides interpret gang demands, pay required cuotas, and help clients move safely. For example, Santos risks his life in the Sonoran Desert to save a fellow Honduran abandoned by drug carriers, an action that shows his sense of solidarity after years on the tracks. However, the narrative also reveals how the same people can take advantage of the individuals who trust them. Chino and Santos start “nickel-and-diming their clients” on a trip from the Guatemalan border by backing out of a promise to cover the cost of food (51). Flaco commits a sharper betrayal when he abandons his client Jorge in Mexicali after receiving $5,000 from Jorge’s family for the final crossing. These actions show how quickly the informal agreement between guide and migrant can collapse when profits enter the equation.
Their unstable conduct grows out of their own strained lives. Most guías in the book are not wealthy operators but people living on the edge. The narrator notes that Roberto (Chino) was “often more desperate than his clients” (4). This is a result of both their ethnicity and their race, as these Hondurans are migrants—like others travelling through Latin America—but also Garifuna, a Black Afro-Indigenous people. In Mexico, they stand out compared to other migrants due to their skin color and thus face different dangers and prejudices. This intersectionality increases the level of systemic oppression they face, a system that causes many of the migrants and guides De León meets to make choices that they admit do not align with their moral values. Flaco sends money home to his family in Honduras while also spending large sums on parties, while Papo and Alma crave a normal, quiet life and shield some migrants from harm, while also reporting some information about new migrants to gangs to ensure their own safety. These examples aren’t presented to completely compromise De León’s subjects; rather, they illustrate the limited choices available to migrants and how these restrictions change them.
In Soldiers and Kings, an aggressive, risk-tolerant masculinity becomes a survival method for men living within the violence of the migrant trail. This performance is repeatedly presented as growing largely out of early trauma rather than natural temperament. Chino and Kingston carry scars from childhood losses and institutional harm, and those wounds shape the hardened personas they display on the tracks. Their public toughness keeps threats at bay, yet these behaviors repeat the cycles they lived through, trapping them in the same violence that once overwhelmed them. Their survival skills turn into habits they cannot easily abandon.
The book links these performances to specific childhood experiences. Chino turns toward gang life after the murder of his older brother Miguel, an event that leaves him with a rage that surfaces as a “playful death wish” (59). He numbs this pain with drugs and armed robbery, and violence becomes his routine outlet. Kingston’s early years are additionally punishing. After losing his parents, he ends up in the Honduran military as a child soldier, where he is “tortured mentally and physically” and taught that constant vigilance and overwhelming force are necessary to stay alive (177). There were no escapes from these circumstances; the boys could only adapt to the existing expectations of men. The repeated pattern of frequently scared or unwilling men being coerced or recruited when they were young, and thus becoming less likely to protect or stand up for themselves, demonstrates the cyclical nature of the culture that often intertwines violence—whether through gangs or militaries—with masculinity.
Once these men join the migrant trail, their male identity becomes a daily performance shaped largely by trauma. They use it to claim status and discourage potential attackers in a largely unregulated environment. Chino shows this when he performs dangerous stunts on moving trains to “remind people he is crazy as hell and not to be fucked with” (59). Flaco’s crew polices masculinity through jokes about sexuality and strength, and their banter, filled with anti-gay bias against one of their own members, reinforces a narrow vision of heterosexual dominance that controls them as much as it gives them a sense of power. Kingston responds to a mild provocation in a bar by beating a man with explosive force to reassert control and protect his group.
These actions are calculated shows of strength meant to guard against danger, yet the narrative highlights how they can create a cycle with no exit. The same traits that protect them also limit their ability to imagine a life beyond violence. Chino knows he cannot return home without rejoining the gangs or risking death. Everywhere he goes, he must continue presenting a harsh strength he doesn’t enjoy to protect himself, even when he doesn’t want to. Kingston expresses this bind when he says, “You live by the sword, you die by the sword” (240), while fearing being murdered by gang members in the same position he once was. Their cultivated toughness becomes an identity they struggle to shed, and the war-like mindset demanded by the tracks shapes their sense of what life will always be.



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