67 pages • 2-hour read
Jon RonsonA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of graphic violence, sexual violence, child abuse, mental illness, substance use, child death, and death.
Ronson describes another conversation he had with Bob Hare during a Saturday layover at Heathrow. While waiting in the lobby, Ronson used an unattended concierge’s phone, and the concierge angrily snatched it back. When Ronson recounted the interaction to Hare, Hare promptly labeled the concierge a psychopath, saying many psychopaths become gatekeepers. Ronson privately wondered if the judgment was hasty—perhaps the concierge simply had a bad day.
Over drinks, Ronson asked whether Hare’s work had spawned overzealous psychopath-spotters. Hare conceded that the PCL-R can be misused, citing the UK’s DSPD program (where Tony resides) and American sexually violent predator commitment facilities like Coalinga, where a psychiatrist claimed more than a third of inmates were misdiagnosed. He described poorly trained assessors traveling the world to influence parole and death penalty hearings armed with little more than a certificate of attendance at one of his conferences.
Interested to better understand the effects of Hare’s work, Ronson tracked down Paul Britton, a once-celebrated criminal profiler whose career later collapsed. At a Leicester Premier Inn, Britton recounted his 1984 breakthrough to Ronson: Detective David Baker consulted him about a murdered woman, and Britton’s profile—a young, sexually immature psychopath living with his parents and owning violent pornography—led to Paul Bostock’s confession. The success made Britton famous.
Britton shared other examples of his work, too. In 1992, 23-year-old Rachel Nickell was murdered on Wimbledon Common. Britton profiled the killer using his standard template. The profile appeared to match Colin Stagg, a local man who had written an inappropriate letter to a woman in the past and sometimes sunbathed naked on the Common—though there was no evidence of any other serious social deviance. To convict Stagg, Britton devised a honey trap: An undercover officer, “Lizzie James,” would befriend Stagg and try to elicit a confession. Over the course of several months, Lizzie encouraged increasingly violent sexual fantasies to draw a confession out of Stagg. At Britton’s direction, she fabricated a story about participating in a satanic ritual murder where a baby’s throat was cut, its blood drunk, and the mother then killed. Stagg demurred and repeatedly denied killing Nickell. Nonetheless, Britton concluded it was unlikely two such deviant men were on the Common at once, and Stagg was arrested and held for 14 months. During that time, the actual killer, Robert Napper, murdered Samantha and Jazmine Bissett. When Napper was identified as Nickell’s killer, a judge dismissed the case against Stagg, condemning Britton’s sting as grossly deceptive. Britton’s reputation suffered irreparable harm.
At the Premier Inn, Britton read a prepared statement claiming he identified Napper from the start but was ignored. When Ronson challenged his methods, Britton offered evasive justifications, insisting the operation was proper because Stagg introduced each element. The meeting ended tensely after Ronson highlighted the flaws in this logic.
Ronson details his attendance at a Scientology banquet at L. Ron Hubbard’s former estate. Ronson sat beside Tony Calder, former Rolling Stones manager. Lady Margaret McNair, who heads the UK’s Citizens Commission on Human Rights, mocked disorders proposed for DSM-V, including Intermittent Explosive Disorder and Internet Addiction. While Ronson found the CCHR dismissive of real suffering, he suspected they had identified a genuine problem: excessive diagnostic labeling.
Ronson traces his revelation at the Scientology banquet to Robert Spitzer, a psychiatrist who spent his career codifying diagnoses. Spitzer’s mother underwent ineffective psychoanalysis throughout his childhood, fueling his distrust of the field. In 1973, psychologist David Rosenhan tested psychiatry’s reliability by having eight sane people feign hearing three simple words and gain admission to mental hospitals. Later, when a hospital challenged him to send more imposters, staff reported identifying 41; Rosenhan revealed he had sent none.
Spitzer took over DSM-III editing in 1974, aiming to minimize subjective judgment with symptom checklists. During chaotic meetings from 1974 to 1980, committees proposed disorder names and criteria while Spitzer typed them into what became a 494-page manual. New categories included PTSD, autism, and bipolar disorder. Psychopathy was replaced with antisocial personality disorder after a dispute between Hare and sociologist Lee Robins.
Ronson’s further research has revealed that field testing suggests that more than half the population could meet criteria for a mental disorder. DSM-III became a bestseller, spurring a pharmaceutical boom as companies developed medications for millions of newly diagnosable patients. Psychiatrist Gary Maier likens aggressive drug representatives to street dealers.
Ronson also spoke to Allen Frances, Spitzer’s successor, who acknowledged that his and Spitzer’s work had inadvertently created false epidemics of autism, ADHD, and childhood bipolar disorder. Adding the milder “Asperger’s” diagnosis sent reported autism rates from one in 2,000 to one in 100. Ronson notes that the childhood bipolar surge proved more harmful. Professor Ian Goodyer and other international experts have insisted the condition does not exist in young children, yet large numbers of American children continue to receive the diagnosis.
Curious to know more about the veracity of the pediatric disorder, Ronson visited Bryna Hebert in Rhode Island, whose son Matt was labeled bipolar at age four after a tantrum over pretzels. The diagnosis came from a unit run by Dr. Joseph Biederman, later accused of promoting drugs made by Johnson & Johnson, which funded his research. Matt and his sister, Jessica, have taken numerous medications for a decade. From child psychiatrist David Shaffer, Ronson learned that these children often have “ADD” or other mental atypicalities but are not bipolar; the misdiagnosis can entail severe lifelong consequences, including medication side effects and psychological burden.
When discussing incorrect diagnoses, Bryna told Ronson about a foster child misdiagnosed as bipolar because their symptoms from sexual abuse matched a checklist. Ronson later asked Spitzer about medicalizing normal behavior, who, after a long silence, conceded that some DSM-III categories may have been mistakes.
Ronson concludes the chapter with the story of four-year-old Rebecca Riley’s death in December 2006. Diagnosed bipolar at age three by Dr. Kayoko Kifuji, a follower of Biederman’s approach, Rebecca was prescribed 10 daily pills. One night, her parents gave her pills to help her calm down and to keep her quiet, only to find Rebecca had died in her sleep. Her death was ruled an overdose, and her parents were convicted of murder. Her mother later said Rebecca was probably just hyperactive.
Ronson returns his attention to Being or Nothingness and the story of Tony at Broadmoor. More than a year after first encountering the mysterious Being or Nothingness book, Ronson received an excited call from Tony, who invited him to a release tribunal at Broadmoor’s DSPD unit and asked to be identified by his real name. At The Paddock Centre, Ronson observed the high-security facility housing hundreds of psychopaths, including Robert Napper and Peter Sutcliffe. He met Professor Anthony Maden, Tony’s chief clinician, who seemed in good spirits despite the day’s unusual activity and engaged Ronson in conversation about Tony’s case.
When Ronson suggested Tony’s desire to be named reflected the Hare Checklist trait Grandiose Sense of Self-Worth, Maden agreed. Before the tribunal, a magistrate asked if Ronson was a Scientologist; he clarified that while the CCHR helped him access Broadmoor, he was not a member. Brian from the CCHR arrived to support Tony, who appeared on crutches, joking that guards had beaten him before admitting he broke his leg playing football.
The tribunal lasted only minutes and ordered Tony’s release from Broadmoor, either to a medium-secure facility or directly to the community within three months. Tony gave Ronson psychiatric reports detailing a traumatic childhood defined by his mother’s abuse and addiction to alcohol, and an unstable home life.
In a further conversation between Ronson and Maden, Maden criticized Hare’s tendency to discuss psychopaths as if they were a separate species, noting Tony had both psychopathic traits and endearing qualities. He emphasized that the PCL-R is imprecise, as very different people can score identically. Tony’s future, Maden said, was in his own hands.
Months later, Tony called Ronson from Bethlem Royal Hospital, complaining he had gone from the frying pan into the fire and was surrounded by more dangerous inmates than at Broadmoor. When Ronson mentioned meeting Emmanuel “Toto” Constant, a Haitian death squad leader who said that making people like you is purely manipulative, Tony was genuinely shocked, saying he had never thought that way; Ronson reflects that Tony lacks a core psychopathic trait. In January 2011, Tony was released from Bethlem.
Ronson details his final meeting with Hare at Heathrow, during which Ronson reported Maden’s criticism of Hare’s work. Hare defended his language as clinical shorthand, comparing psychopath to hypertensive, and attributes such criticism to left-leaning academics uncomfortable with labels. He conceded that his gut feeling was that psychopaths might be fundamentally different than other typical individuals, though this remains unproven. Reflecting on his evolving regard for Hare’s work, Ronson admits becoming power mad as a psychopath-spotter.
Weeks after his meeting with Hare, Ronson received a package from Sweden: a copy of Being or Nothingness from Petter Nordlund, the book’s creator whom Ronson had previously tracked down. A few days earlier, Nordlund had sent an email to Ronson warning that something would arrive in the post and that after the next day, he (Nordlund) would no longer communicate. During this brief window of question-asking opportunity, Nordlund explained the book’s structure—21 printed pages and 21 blank pages, to represent being or nothingness. Ronson emailed an apology for having dismissed Nordlund as merely eccentric, now seeing how obsessions can produce interesting work. Inside the book he found a handwritten card wishing him good luck.
The closing chapters of the text examine the perilous intersection of psychiatric categorization and institutional authority to further the theme of The Allure and Risk of Armchair Diagnosis. Ronson exemplifies this dynamic with the anecdote about Robert Hare casually diagnosing a hotel concierge as a psychopath for snatching a telephone, an assessment that scales up to the devastating systemic consequences of Paul Britton’s criminal profiling. Britton utilizes diagnostic assumptions to construct an elaborate “honey trap” for Colin Stagg, relying on rigid psychological templates to justify the operation. Even when Stagg repeatedly denies the murder of Rachel Nickell and rejects an undercover officer’s fabricated stories of satanic ritual violence, Britton interprets the data to fit his predetermined profile. This progression demonstrates how clinical frameworks, when paired with institutional power, shift from descriptive tools to mechanisms of systemic control. The text reinforces this danger by highlighting facilities like Coalinga, where predictive checklists are used to justify indefinite civil commitments for sexually violent predators. Ronson relies on Britton’s refusal to acknowledge his methodological flaws to highlight a core danger of the profiling apparatus: it prioritizes the enforcement of a diagnosis over empirical reality. Broadly, Ronson uses this pattern to critique the overarching authority of the psychiatric establishment, suggesting that the power to classify behavior often blinds practitioners to the subjective and potentially destructive nature of their judgments.
Throughout these chapters, Ronson reiterates the diagnostic checklist as a structural metaphor for the reduction of human complexity. Driven by the embarrassment of the Rosenhan experiment, Robert Spitzer’s creation of the DSM-III relies heavily on symptom checklists to minimize subjective psychoanalysis. Ronson explores how this methodology inadvertently catalyzes false epidemics, particularly concerning childhood bipolar disorder, which creates a lucrative market for pharmaceutical companies whose representatives operate like street dealers. Ronson uses more real-life examples to convey the consequences of this rigid framework. One example is Bryna Hebert’s son, Matt, who has been heavily medicated for a decade because his childhood tantrums aligned with criteria developed by Dr. Joseph Biederman. Another example is that of the fatal misdiagnosis of four-year-old Rebecca Riley. The checklist device, Ronson holds via these examples, functions to create an illusion of scientific objectivity, flattening the nuanced realities of patients into discrete, actionable data points that can be efficiently medicated. By compartmentalizing behavior into quantifiable traits, the psychiatric system forces “gray area” (264) individuals to conform to extreme labels. This reductive methodology drives Ronson’s broader critique of modern clinical practice, illustrating how the demand for streamlined diagnostics and pharmaceutical expedience actively harms those it aims to treat by erasing the contextual realities of human behavior.
Ronson’s trajectory across these chapters transitions from an enthusiastic participant in diagnosis to a reflexive critic of his own investigative methods. He explicitly connects Britton’s manipulation of Colin Stagg to the practices of nonfiction media, recognizing that profiling suspects mirrors the journalistic impulse to stitch together the most extreme aspects of a subject’s personality to form a compelling narrative. By inspecting his own field and career, Ronson creates transparency, which contrasts with what he has uncovered about the psychiatric field. Ronson observes that while the police operation was warped, the underlying drive to selectively amplify madness is universal, noting that “[o]nly the craziest journalist would go as far as they did, but practically everyone goes a little way there” (229). This acknowledgment collapses the boundary between the objective observer and the active participant. When Tony requests to use his real name at his Broadmoor tribunal, Ronson immediately views the request through the lens of the Hare Checklist, categorizing it as a grandiose sense of self-worth before catching his own bias. Later, Ronson catches his newfound tendency to over diagnose others and apologizes to Petter Nordlund for initially reducing him to his eccentricities, acknowledging the limitations of his own gaze. This internal shift reinforces Ronson’s humanity and enacts Ronson’s skepticism of ultimate psychiatric, journalistic, or narrative authority, framing the investigator as highly susceptible to the same reductive biases they seek to analyze.
In the text’s final sequence, Ronson dismantles the rigid binary between sanity and psychopathy, advocating instead for a dimensional understanding of the human mind. Ronson articulates this theoretical shift via Professor Anthony Maden, who explicitly rejects Hare’s assertion that psychopaths constitute a completely different species of individual. Maden points to Tony’s blend of manipulative tendencies and genuine vulnerability, noting that “very different people end up with the same score” (265) on the PCL-R. Tony’s dimensional nature is further proved when he expresses genuine shock at Toto Constant’s ruthless manipulation, revealing that Tony lacks the core psychopathic trait of cold calculation. Furthermore, Nordlund’s cryptic book Being or Nothingness—with its meticulously balanced pages and careful, artistic curation—functions as an emblem of this duality, structurally representing the coexistence of meaning and emptiness within a single mind. Ronson uses Tony’s eventual release from Broadmoor and Nordlund’s creative obsession to illustrate that human behaviors typically pathologized as abnormal are inextricably linked to ordinary human functioning. Ultimately, Ronson concludes by positioning behavioral extremes as vital, complicated components of human existence, asserting that “our unhappiness and our strangeness […] are quite often what lead us to do rather interesting things” (271).



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