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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of death, graphic violence, racism, and religious discrimination.
Elizabeth “Libbie” Custer accompanied her husband, General George Armstrong Custer, to the Dakota Territory in 1873. Custer’s command, the Seventh Cavalry, was tasked with managing conflicts between Indigenous peoples and incoming settlers. In 1874, Custer violated the Treaty of Fort Laramie by leading an expedition into the Black Hills, a region guaranteed to the Sioux, where he discovered gold. The find triggered a flood of prospectors, leading to the Battle of the Little Bighorn on June 25, 1876, where Lakota and other allied warriors killed Custer and over 200 men under his command.
After his death, Libbie dedicated herself to crafting her husband into an American hero. This myth is amplified by figures like Buffalo Bill Cody, whose “Wild West” shows portrayed the battle as a heroic “Last Stand.” Gage notes how the historical site evolved, from the Custer Battlefield to the Little Bighorn Battlefield, which added a memorial to the Indigenous warriors and “the many distinctive Indian communities involved at Little Bighorn” in 2003 (126). Despite their victory, the Indigenous leaders were soon defeated: Crazy Horse was killed in US custody in 1877, and Sitting Bull’s starving band surrendered in 1881. In 1877, Congress seized the Black Hills, giving rise to mining towns like Deadwood that now market their violent past through a nostalgic lens. The Lakota’s embrace of the spiritual Ghost Dance revival was seen as a threat by federal authorities, leading to Sitting Bull’s killing during a failed arrest. On December 29, 1890, the Seventh Cavalry massacred as many as 300 Lakota men, women, and children at Wounded Knee.
Gage discusses the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, Illinois, a grand fair celebrating American industrial might. There, historian Frederick Jackson Turner declared that with the western frontier closed, the nation’s future would be forged in its dynamic, crowded industrial cities. Gage explores the two sides of Gilded Age Chicago: the opulent wealth of its industrialists and the grim reality of its working class, famously depicted in Upton Sinclair’s 1906 novel, The Jungle. One of the era’s major figures was George Pullman, who created a meticulously planned company town for his railroad car workers, providing modern amenities in exchange for social control.
Chicago was a center for labor unrest. On May 4, 1886, a bomb exploded during a workers’ rally in Haymarket Square. In the ensuing trial, eight protest leaders were convicted of conspiracy, and four were executed. Eight years later, in 1894, Pullman cut his workers’ wages, sparking a nationwide railroad strike led by Eugene Debs and the American Railway Union. President Grover Cleveland sent federal troops to crush the strike, and Debs was imprisoned. In jail, Debs read the works of Karl Marx and emerged a committed socialist. He co-founded the Socialist Party; ran for president five times; and, as Gage learned at his house museum in Terre Haute, Indiana, advocated for a uniquely American version of a workers’ revolution.
Inspired by Chicago’s fair, Atlanta, Georgia, hosted the 1895 Cotton States and International Exposition to promote its identity as a “New South” committed to industrialization. At the opening, educator Booker T. Washington delivered his “Atlanta Compromise” speech, proposing that Black Americans accept social segregation in return for economic opportunities. This era gave rise to Coca-Cola, invented by John Pemberton in 1886 and built into a national brand by Asa Candler. Simultaneously, the region embraced the “Lost Cause” narrative, which romanticized the fall of the Confederacy as a tragic struggle, popularized by works like Margaret Mitchell’s novel Gone With the Wind (1936).
This period also saw a resurgence of white supremacy. In 1915, the same year the pro-Klan film The Birth of a Nation was released, the second Ku Klux Klan was founded in a ceremony atop Stone Mountain. A massive Confederate memorial was later carved into the mountain’s face, a project revived and completed during the civil-rights era. Gage attended a modern-day Confederate Memorial Day ceremony at the site.
Despite Jim Crow violence, including the 1906 Atlanta race massacre, Black communities like Sweet Auburn thrived, giving rise to a Black middle class. It was into this world that Martin Luther King Jr. was born. Shortly after, thousands of Black southerners began the Great Migration, leaving the New South for industrial jobs in northern cities like Detroit, Michigan.
Henry Ford, an engineer from rural Michigan, founded the Ford Motor Company in 1903 and introduced the mass-produced Model T automobile in 1908. In Dearborn, he built the River Rouge complex, the world’s largest factory and a symbol of vertically integrated mass production. In 1914, Ford implemented the “$5 day” salary for his workers, doubling wages to reduce turnover on his assembly lines. This system, known as Fordism, aimed to turn workers into consumers, though the high wage came with intrusive oversight from a sociological department that sought to “Americanize” his immigrant workforce.
Gage acknowledges that Ford’s legacy is deeply contradictory. He was a celebrated innovator but also one of America’s most prominent antisemites, publishing conspiracy theories and accepting a medal from Nazi Germany. He fiercely resisted unionization, and his security forces killed five demonstrators in the 1932 Ford Massacre and brutally beat organizer Walter Reuther in the 1937 Battle of the Overpass. The United Auto Workers finally organized Ford in 1941. Ford’s opinion that “history is more or less bunk” motivated the creation of his own theme park, Greenfield Village, to celebrate inventors (195). On a tour of the park, Gage saw that his adjacent museum houses iconic American artifacts, including the chair in which Lincoln was shot and the car in which Kennedy was assassinated, suggesting that Ford wanted his own industrial story to serve as the nation’s defining epic.
In this section, Gage explores the shifting view of the US from a mythologized frontier to a turbulent center of industrial innovation, using historian Frederick Jackson Turner’s influential 1893 thesis to structure the discussion. Turner’s thesis declared the western frontier closed and predicted that the great struggles of American life would henceforth unfold in its cities. Gage’s examination of the ways that figures like Libbie Custer and Buffalo Bill Cody transformed General Custer’s military defeat at Little Bighorn into a foundational American myth of heroic sacrifice emphasizes the growing disconnect between a romanticized image of the American West and its reality, underscoring her thematic focus on Public Memory as a Cultural Battleground. Gage positions this kind of nostalgic mythmaking as a prelude to the industrial boosterism of Chicago and Atlanta. The World’s Fairs in these cities are presented as immense spectacles designed to project a new national identity based on industrial power and technological progress. By moving directly from the Wounded Knee massacre to the White City of the Columbian Exposition, the author frames the Gilded Age city as the successor to the Western frontier—a new arena for conquest, conflict, and the forging of national narratives.
Gage uses three industrial titans—George Pullman, Asa Candler, and Henry Ford—to dissect the deep contradictions of American capitalism during this era, highlighting The Tensions of Industrialization and Progress. Each man is portrayed as a visionary who reshaped American life through mass production and marketing, yet their innovations are shown to be inseparable from systems of control and exploitation. Pullman’s meticulously planned company town, with its modern amenities and strict social order, is presented as a failed utopia that provoked one of the nation’s most disruptive labor strikes. Candler’s Coca-Cola became a symbol of the “New South,” a consumer-friendly brand whose national success helped mask the brutal realities of Jim Crow segregation. The most complex portrait is that of Ford, the celebrated populist who pioneered the assembly line and the “$5 day” to create a mass consumer society. The author details how this model of “Fordism” was built on a foundation of intense worker surveillance, violent union busting, and Ford’s own virulent antisemitism, revealing the authoritarian impulses that coexisted with his democratizing innovations. By identifying the complexity inherent in each of these publicly celebrated figures, Gage argues that the architects of modern American industry were also architects of new forms of social and economic inequality.
Across these chapters, monuments and historic sites emerge as sites of cultural and political struggle, often containing layers of conflicting interpretations that highlight The Parallel Roots of Freedom and Oppression in the American identity. The site of the Little Bighorn Battlefield evolves from a shrine to Custer into a complex space that now includes a memorial to the Indigenous warriors who defeated him. In Chicago, the Haymarket affair produced two opposing monuments: one to the slain policemen and another to the executed protesters. Ford’s Greenfield Village shows an attempt by a single powerful individual to curate a sanitized, inventor-focused version of the American past, famously dismissing history as “more or less bunk” (195). While discussing her trip to Haymarket memorial, Gage highlights the ways these conflicting images of American history—freedom and oppression, privilege and poverty—are perpetuated in a contemporary context: “In today’s America, this sort of contrast is an all-too-common sight: consumption and destitution side by side” (154). By visiting and analyzing these contested spaces, Gage demonstrates that public memory is constantly evolving, leaving national identity to be continually defined and redefined.
Woven into the narrative of industrial power, Gage presents a counternarrative of organized resistance, highlighting a lineage of opposition that directly confronts the forces of corporate and state authority. This arc begins in Chapter 7 with the military resistance of Lakota leaders Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse, whose victory at Little Bighorn was a last, defiant stand against dispossession. In the urban landscape of Chapter 8, this resistance takes the form of political radicalism, from the Haymarket anarchists demanding an eight-hour day to the socialist vision of Eugene Debs, who sought to build a national working-class political movement. This thread culminates in Chapter 10 with the rise of the United Auto Workers. Gage chronicles their decade-long struggle to organize Ford’s factories, framing the union’s eventual victory as a fight to ensure that “industrial democracy—not corporate tyranny—was the true American tradition” (194). By consistently pairing the stories of industrialists with the stories of their adversaries, Gage argues that the shape of modern America was forged by both its captains of industry and the collective struggles of those who fought back against abuses of power.



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