The Promise of Happiness

Sara Ahmed

The Promise of Happiness

Sara Ahmed
47 pages1-hour read
Nonfiction
Book
Adult
Published in 2010

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Background

Ideological Context: The “Happiness Turn” and Positive Psychology

Ahmed’s The Promise of Happiness is a direct critique of the “happiness turn,” an intellectual and cultural shift that frames well-being as a scientific, measurable, and achievable goal. This movement gained institutional momentum through the work of Martin Seligman, who used his 1998 presidency of the American Psychological Association to promote positive psychology as a field of scientific study, with greater attention to the conditions that allow individuals and communities to flourish. Positive psychology emerged partly in response to what Seligman and other proponents saw as psychology’s disproportionate focus on mental illness and sought to expand the field’s attention to positive experiences, individual strengths, and the conditions that support well-being. As the APA notes, Seligman’s work helped establish positive psychology as an area concerned with identifying and cultivating the factors that contribute to well-being (APA. “Speaking of Psychology: Positive psychology in a pandemic, with Martin Seligman, PhD.” 14 Jan. 2021). The field subsequently expanded into a substantial body of empirical research on happiness and well-being, including the development of interventions designed to improve well-being.


The scientific study of happiness commonly relies on measures of subjective well-being, in which individuals report their own evaluations of their lives and emotional experiences. Such measures allow researchers to examine well-being empirically, but they also raise methodological questions about how subjective experiences can be measured and interpreted. Ahmed questions some of the assumptions underlying the use of self-reporting in happiness research. In particular, she challenges the idea that self-reported happiness can be treated as a transparent account of how a person feels.


Ahmed writes, “Happiness research is primarily based on self-reporting […] presuming that if people say they are happy, they are happy. This model both presumes the transparency of self-feeling […] as well as the unmotivated and uncomplicated nature of self-reporting” (5). Her concern extends beyond the reliability of measurement to the values attached to happiness itself. The Promise of Happiness asks how particular ways of living come to be regarded as sources of happiness and therefore as desirable or “good.” Viewed against the growing scientific and cultural emphasis on promoting well-being, Ahmed’s critique draws attention to the social norms that can accompany the expectation that people should pursue happiness in socially approved ways.

Literary Context: The “Anti-Social Turn” in Queer Theory

Ahmed’s concept of the “unhappy queer” engages directly with a major theoretical debate known as the “anti-social turn” in queer theory. The debate has roots in the work of queer theorists such as Leo Bersani, who questioned whether queerness could or should be reconciled with established forms of social belonging. One of the most influential works associated with this debate is Lee Edelman’s 2004 book, No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive. Edelman argued against what he termed “reproductive futurism”—a political logic that treats the future, symbolized by the idealized figure of the Child, as something society must protect. The capitalized “Child” in Edelman’s argument represents an imagined future organized around reproduction and the continuation of heteronormative social norms. He contended that queerness is often positioned as a threat to this vision of the future and argued that queer politics should resist the demand to conform to it. This polemic challenged queer politics to move beyond a quest for acceptance and instead to question the social order that determines which lives and futures are considered valuable.


Ahmed’s work enters this conversation by exploring the political significance of unhappiness without fully adopting Edelman’s embrace of the death drive, a psychoanalytic concept that he uses to associate queerness with resistance to the social order’s investment in reproduction and the future. While Ahmed shares Edelman’s critique of normative ideas about the future, she does not reject the possibility of alternative futures. Instead, she examines how the figure of the “unhappy queer” can function as a form of social critique. She argues that presenting queer happiness as evidence of social progress can obscure the conditions that continue to produce unhappiness. For Ahmed, remaining attentive to queer unhappiness can therefore challenge normative ideas about which relationships and ways of living should lead to happiness. As she asserts, “The risk of promoting the happy queer is that the unhappiness of this world could disappear from view. We must stay unhappy with this world” (105).

Historical Context: UK Multiculturalism Debates

Ahmed’s figure of the “melancholic migrant” can be understood partly in relation to debates about multiculturalism and national belonging in Britain during the early and mid-2000s. Concerns about segregation and social cohesion had already gained prominence following disturbances in several northern English towns in 2001, which prompted official discussions about communities living “parallel lives.” These debates intensified following “coordinated suicide bomb attacks on the London transit system” on July 7, 2005, which were carried out by four British men (Britannica.com. “London bombings of 2005.”). Later that year, Trevor Phillips, then chair of the UK Commission for Racial Equality, famously warned in a speech that Britain was “sleepwalking to segregation,” expressing concern about increasing separation between ethnic and religious communities. In this political climate, debates about multiculturalism increasingly emphasized integration, community cohesion, common values, and a shared sense of British identity. These debates raised questions about how cultural difference could be accommodated while maintaining a common national identity—questions that provide important historical context for Ahmed’s examination of migrants, national belonging, and the expectation of successful integration.


Ahmed’s analysis critiques the expectation that migrants should demonstrate successful integration by leaving histories of racism and colonialism in the past, thereby preserving Britain’s self-image as a tolerant and multicultural nation. Those who continue to draw attention to racism may therefore be represented as obstacles to national cohesion rather than as responding to inequalities that remain unresolved. Ahmed examines this representation through the figure of the “melancholic migrant,” who is portrayed as unable to move beyond the past or embrace the happy future promised by the nation. As she explains, “The figure of the melancholic migrant appears as the one who refuses to participate in the national game. Suffering becomes a way of holding on to a lost object” (142). Through this figure, Ahmed shows how continued attention to racism and colonial history can be recast as a failure on the migrant’s part to move forward, while the nation’s own responsibility for those histories remains largely unexamined.

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