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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of graphic violence, illness, death, religious persecution, and sexual violence.
In 1393, Enguerrand de Coucy was sent on a diplomatic mission to Pope Clement in Avignon. The goal was to secure a French-controlled ‘Kingdom of Adria’ in the Papal States for Louis of Orléans, a scheme promoted by the duke of Milan, Gian Galeazzo Visconti. The mission failed because Clement refused to grant the kingdom before it was conquered, and the French envoys’ 17-item brief contained nothing about military specifics—troop numbers or costs—leaving them unable to answer the cardinals’ demands. Meanwhile, the impetus for this “Way of Force” was weakening in France (479). The University of Paris began to openly advocate for the “Way of Cession” (478)—the mutual abdication of both popes—as the only solution to the Papal Schism.
In a dramatic royal audience, Nicolas de Clamanges, a representative of the University, delivered an impassioned speech to King Charles VI, condemning the corruption of the papacy and urging him to end the schism. The University then circulated Clamanges’ letter to Avignon, where Clement read it in a full assembly of cardinals and flew into a rage. When his own cardinals subsequently advised him to accept one of the Three Ways, his indignation at their “traitorous cowardice” was such that within three days (523), on September 16, he died of a heart attack or apoplectic stroke. Before the election, 18 of 21 cardinals signed a collective oath binding the winner to work for union and to abdicate if necessary; they then proceeded with the conclave without opening the King of France’s letter urging delay. The cardinals chose Pedro de Luna, who became Pope Benedict XIII. Despite early promises that he would abdicate as easily as removing his hat, Benedict proved stubbornly opposed to stepping down. Amid these events, King Richard II of England proposed marrying Charles VI’s six-year-old daughter, Isabelle, to secure a long-term peace and gain an ally against his domestic political foes. Following extensive negotiations, a 28-year truce was declared in 1396, at which point Coucy departed on the crusade to Nicopolis.
As the Ottoman Turks under Sultan Bajazet I advanced through the Balkans, King Sigismund of Hungary appealed to Western Europe for a crusade. The duke of Burgundy sponsored the expedition, placing his 24-year-old son, Jean de Nevers, in nominal command. Enguerrand de Coucy was asked by Burgundy to serve as chief counselor, though in the final arrangement he appeared on a separate advisory list to be consulted “when it seemed good” to Nevers rather than as a formally designated primary counselor (548). The French-led army, resplendent in magnificent armor and livery, traveled down the Danube River, but their arrogance, debauchery, and pillaging alienated their local allies.
At a war council in Buda, the French leadership rejected Sigismund’s prudent advice for a defensive strategy, insisting on aggressively seeking out the enemy. After capturing the fortresses of Vidin and Rachowa, the crusaders violated the terms of the latter’s surrender by massacring their Turkish prisoners, an act that angered Sigismund and would later prove fatal. On September 25, 1396, as the armies prepared for battle at Nicopolis, the French again ignored Sigismund’s tactical plan. Led by the reckless Constable d’Eu, who demanded the place of honor in the vanguard, the French knights charged ahead of the main army. Though they initially overwhelmed the Turkish frontline conscripts and then routed trained Turkish infantry, their undisciplined pursuit left them exhausted and disorganized when they crested the plateau, where a fresh reserve corps of sipahis held back by Bajazet destroyed them. On the plain below, Serbian cavalry under Stephen Lazarevich intervened decisively against Sigismund’s force, completing the rout. The crusade ended in a catastrophic defeat. Enraged by his losses and the massacre at Rachowa, Bajazet ordered most prisoners executed; Jacques de Helly, recognized by Turkish officials for his prior service under Murad I, was called upon to identify the leading nobles—among them Coucy, d’Eu, Boucicaut, and Nevers—who were spared for ransom, along with those judged under 20 who were to be taken away for forced service in the Ottoman Empire.
Following the disaster at Nicopolis, the captured nobles, including Enguerrand de Coucy and Jean de Nevers, were forced on a brutal 350-mile march to Gallipoli. After two months there, the prisoners were transferred to Brusa, the Ottoman capital in Asia. Trading ships brought news of the defeat to Venice on December 16, but Paris did not receive official confirmation until Christmas Day, when Jacques de Helly arrived “all booted and spurred” at the Palace of St. Pol (566), plunging the court and the country into mourning. The duke of Burgundy immediately began the difficult task of raising a ransom of 200,000 gold ducats, dispatching ambassadors with extravagant gifts intended to appease Sultan Bajazet.
In captivity at Brusa, Coucy fell ill. On February 16, 1397, “infirm of body” (570), he dictated his last will and died two days later. His heart and remains were eventually returned to France for burial. The complex process of raising the ransom was managed by the Italian banker Dino Rapondi, with important loans provided by the Knights of Rhodes and merchants in the Levant. Comte d’Eu died on June 15, nine days before the remaining prisoners were released on June 24. Henri de Bar died of plague in Venice while still awaiting return to France. In February 1398, the few surviving leaders finally returned to France. Despite the calamitous loss, they were greeted with triumphal parades and celebrations. However, contemporary moralists like Philippe de Mézières attributed the defeat to the pride, indiscipline, and vainglory of the French knights, viewing the crusade as a deep failure of the chivalric ideal.
The calamities of the 14th century extended into the 15th. In 1407, John the Fearless—Jean de Nevers, who had succeeded his father as duke of Burgundy in 1404—assassinated his rival Louis d’Orléans, plunging France into a destructive civil war between the Burgundians and the Armagnacs. Exploiting this chaos, King Henry V of England invaded and inflicted another catastrophic defeat on French chivalry at the Battle of Agincourt in 1415. The murder of John the Fearless on the bridge at Montereau in 1419 led his son Philip of Burgundy to enter into full alliance with the English, producing the 1420 Treaty of Troyes, which disinherited the dauphin Charles and named the English king heir to the French throne.
France’s fortunes were revived by the appearance of Jeanne d’Arc in 1428, whose victories led to the coronation of King Charles VII. Though she was captured and executed, her leadership marked a turning point. The Hundred Years’ War finally ended in 1453 with a French victory at Castillon, won by artillery rather than knights. The same year saw the fall of Constantinople to the Turks and the first printing from movable type by Gutenberg, signaling the close of the medieval era. Coucy’s barony was sold to Louis d’Orléans under contested circumstances—only 60,000 of the 400,000-livre price was paid down, and much of the balance was never collected—and eventually passed to the French crown when Louis d’Orléans’s grandson became Louis XII. The great castle, a symbol of feudal power, was partially dismantled in the 17th century, and its colossal keep was deliberately destroyed by the German army in 1917.
These concluding chapters chronicle the catastrophic failures of the 14th century’s primary institutions—the Church and the nobility—and trace their consequences into the next century. In Chapter 25, Tuchman presents the Papal Schism as a political impasse rooted in institutional self-interest, demonstrating The Spiritual and Moral Cost of Institutional Corruption. The French court’s desire for a Kingdom of Adria and Pope Clement’s refusal to cede authority highlight a system captured by temporal concerns. The University of Paris emerges as a force for reform, with Nicolas de Clamanges’s fiery oration representing an intellectual challenge to the corrupt establishment. The system, however, proves resistant to change. Clement’s sudden death, which should have provided a clear path to reunion, is immediately squandered. The Avignon cardinals, prioritizing their “right of election” over the unity of Christendom (524), rush to choose a successor, effectively perpetuating the crisis. The election of Benedict XIII, who quickly abandons his promise to abdicate, confirms that personal power outweighs the spiritual health of the Church, entrenching a division that will require decades of councils to resolve.
The military and moral collapse of the nobility is the focus of the crusade of Nicopolis. Far from a noble cause, Tuchman portrays the expedition as an expression of The Illusion of Chivalry. From the outset, the campaign is defined by superficiality and arrogance. The duke of Burgundy’s investment in magnificent livery and tents over practical siege weapons reveals a preference for display over military reality. On the march, the crusaders’ indiscipline, pillaging, and debauchery alienate their allies and undermine their holy mission. This internal decay culminates in the disastrous decisions made on the battlefield. The French knights, led by the reckless Constable d’Eu, reject King Sigismund’s sound tactical advice out of pure vanity, insisting on the honor of the vanguard. Their charge is a triumph of ego over strategy, leading directly to their destruction. The massacre of prisoners at Rachowa before the battle strips away any pretense of moral superiority, creating a grim symmetry with the subsequent slaughter of the crusaders by a vengeful Sultan Bajazet. The entire episode serves a final, destructive verdict on a warrior class whose values have become militarily and ethically bankrupt.
Tuchman uses the fate of Enguerrand de Coucy to personalize the era’s tragic decline. Throughout the book, Coucy has served as a model of competence and pragmatism, a figure who largely avoided the “furious follies” of his peers (571). His end at Nicopolis is therefore deeply ironic and symbolic. He dies as a captive, a victim of the very pride and incompetence he had counseled against. His miserable march to Brusa and his death from illness in a foreign prison underscore the indignity and waste of the entire endeavor. The chapter title, Hung Be the Heavens with Black, elevates his personal tragedy to a universal one, marking the end of a certain kind of aristocratic integrity. His detailed last will, with its precise instructions for the distribution of his remains and bequests for his soul, offers a final, intimate glimpse into the medieval worldview, where concern for salvation coexisted with a deep attachment to worldly legacy. By closing Coucy’s story with such a definitive and pathetic end, Tuchman suggests the passing of an entire social order.
The Epilogue is a rapid, panoramic survey of the consequences flowing from the 14th century’s unresolved crises, solidifying the book’s discussion of The Breakdown of Social Order in Times of Crisis. The assassination of Louis d’Orléans by Jean de Nevers—the vainglorious leader of the Nicopolis crusade—directly connects the moral failure of chivalry to the political disintegration of France. The ensuing civil war and the disastrous defeat at Agincourt are presented as inevitable outcomes of the internal decay chronicled earlier. However, Tuchman also charts the emergence of new forces that signal the end of the medieval world. The rise of Jeanne d’Arc shows a fusion of religious faith and modern patriotism that transcends the feudal system. The creation of a standing army by Charles VII and the decisive use of artillery at Castillon mark the obsolescence of the knight. The final pages broaden the scope to the fall of Constantinople, the invention of the printing press, and the voyages of discovery, firmly positioning the 14th century as a period of violent, painful transition. Tuchman brings her thesis to a conclusion by recounting the destruction of Coucy’s castle in 1917, explicitly linking the feudal disorder of the past to the mechanized destruction of her own time.



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