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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of graphic violence, illness, death, religious persecution, and sexual violence.
As the reign of the ailing French King Charles V drew to a close, he relied heavily on Enguerrand de Coucy to secure his kingdom. Following the deaths of several key allies, including his wife and Pope Gregory XI, Charles tasked Coucy with leading a campaign in Normandy to neutralize the perpetually treacherous Charles, King of Navarre. Evidence of Navarre’s treason was provided when his chamberlain, Jacques de Rue, arrived in Paris with letters for Navarre’s two sons and was then interrogated, freely revealing a plot to poison King Charles. In a swift campaign alongside the royal chamberlain Bureau de la Rivière, Coucy used a combination of military force and diplomacy to capture Navarre’s Norman strongholds. During this period, after his daughter Marie’s marriage allied him to the house of Bar, Coucy established his own chivalric order, the Order of the Crown.
The king’s confiscation of the duke of Brittany’s lands provoked another conflict and a planned English relief expedition under Sir John Arundel was wrecked in a storm. After the constable of France, Du Guesclin, died, Charles V offered the military office to Coucy. In a key decision, Coucy declined, recommending Olivier de Clisson for the post. Soon after, the English Earl of Buckingham led a major raid across northern France. As Captain-General of Picardy, Coucy carried out the King’s orders to avoid a decisive battle, though he shared the knights’ impatience and took part in at least one fierce fight outside the gates of Troyes. In September 1380, Charles V died after a troubled deathbed defense of his role in the schism and deep regret for his oppressive taxes; his ordinance abolishing the hearth tax was proclaimed the day after his death. In the aftermath, Coucy helped to negotiate a treaty that reconciled the duke of Brittany with the new French king, leading to the failure of Buckingham’s expedition.
Following King Charles V’s death, his three brothers—the dukes of Anjou, Burgundy, and Berry—seized power and plundered the royal treasury. The government’s failure to honor the late king’s promised tax abolition led to violent unrest, including riots and a pogrom against the Jewish quarter in Paris. In June 1381, a new poll tax in England triggered a massive insurrection known as the Peasants’ Revolt. Led by Wat Tyler and the radical priest John Ball, the rebels marched on London, murdered Archbishop Sudbury and the Treasurer Sir Robert Hailes, and forced King Richard II to grant them charters of freedom. After Tyler was killed, however, the king revoked the charters and ruthlessly suppressed the revolt.
With agitation heated by the example of the English, a new sales tax in France in 1382 provoked the Harelle revolt in Rouen and the Maillotins revolt in Paris. The King, then at Meaux, sent Coucy—accompanied only by members of his own household, not other lords—to negotiate with the hostile city. The situation was transformed by news from Flanders, where weavers led by Philip van Artevelde had won a major victory against their count. Fearing a general revolution, the French nobility rallied. In November 1382, the royal army, including Coucy, invaded Flanders and decisively defeated the Flemish forces at the Battle of Roosebeke, killing Artevelde. Strengthened by this victory, the army halted outside Paris in January 1383; after a show of force, the Parisians stood down without combat and it was Coucy and Marshal Sancerre who opened the city’s gates. Subsequent arrests, executions, and heavy fines suppressed the revolt, and the city’s charter was revoked.
In 1382, the Duc d’Anjou invaded Italy to press his claim to the Kingdom of Naples, which had been bequeathed to him by Queen Joanna. His rival, Charles of Durazzo, had already seized the throne and had Joanna strangled in prison. Anjou’s campaign was plagued by misfortune; Durazzo employed evasive tactics, and an epidemic killed Anjou’s chief ally, Amadeo, the Green Count of Savoy. A French relief expedition was delayed by an English raid on Flanders in 1383.
In 1384, Enguerrand de Coucy was finally dispatched to rescue the failing campaign. He crossed into Tuscany and, despite promising peaceful passage to the Florentines, strategically captured the city of Arezzo to secure a base of operations. Shortly after his victory, however, Coucy received confirmation that the Duc d’Anjou had died of illness nine days earlier, rendering his mission moot. Isolated in central Italy, Coucy demonstrated a pragmatic streak. He skillfully negotiated his army’s escape by selling Arezzo to Florence for 40,000 gold florins and a guarantee of safe conduct. He returned to France in early 1385, having successfully extricated his forces and recovered the full cost of the expedition. While in Avignon, Coucy may have met the scholar Honoré Bonet, whose book The Tree of Battles was a trenchant critique of the brutal realities of contemporary warfare.
In May 1385, Gian Galeazzo Visconti staged a coup, imprisoning his uncle Bernabò and unifying Milan under his sole rule. That summer, King Charles VI of France married Isabeau of Bavaria. A subsequent French expedition to Scotland, intended as a prelude to an attack on England, ended in failure. In February 1386 and following the death of his estranged first wife, Coucy married his second wife, Isabelle of Lorraine, and began extensive renovations of his castle. That same year, France prepared a massive invasion of England, assembling an armada of over 1,200 ships and a colossal, prefabricated wooden shelter for the beachhead.
The grand invasion of 1386 was ultimately aborted. The season grew late, logistical issues mounted, and the Duc de Berry, who favored a negotiated peace, deliberately delayed his arrival. A smaller invasion planned for 1387 was split in two: Clisson was to command the force leaving from Brittany, while Coucy, Admiral de Vienne, and Count Waleran de St. Pol were to lead the force from Harfleur targeting Dover. This was also thwarted when the duke of Brittany, Jean de Montfort, treacherously captured and ransomed Clisson just before the fleet was to sail. The court was then distracted by an insulting challenge from the duke of Guelders. Coucy argued successfully that the king’s honor required a military response. Before that could happen, Coucy, as Montfort’s former brother-in-law, was sent on a diplomatic mission and skillfully persuaded the duke to make restitution to Clisson and submit to the king’s judgment in Paris.
In these chapters, Tuchman uses the figure of Enguerrand de Coucy to embody a new model of aristocratic leadership, one defined by pragmatism and political acumen rather than by the reckless pursuit of chivalric glory. As the reign of Charles V ends and the disastrous regency of his uncles begins, Coucy’s career demonstrates the skills necessary to navigate a collapsing political order. His swift and successful campaign in Normandy is a model of combined arms and diplomacy, securing a clear political objective with minimal waste. His most telling act is his refusal of the office of Constable, the supreme military command in France. This decision reveals a sophisticated understanding of the political dangers posed by the jealous royal uncles, a risk that the more traditional, hot-headed warrior Olivier de Clisson readily accepts. Tuchman repeatedly positions Coucy as a mediator and problem-solver, sending him to negotiate with the rebellious Parisians and, most significantly, to bring the treacherous duke of Montfort to heel. By concluding this section with a direct quote from the chronicler Froissart praising Coucy as “the most gracious and persuasive lord in all Christendom” (437), Tuchman solidifies his role as the book’s central consciousness—a rational actor in an increasingly irrational world.
Tuchman structures this part of the narrative around the escalating conflict between social classes, portraying the popular uprisings of the early 1380s as a transnational phenomenon. By juxtaposing the Peasants’ Revolt in England with the Harelle in Rouen and the Maillotins in Paris, she argues that these were more than just isolated riots. In Tuchman’s reckoning, they were expressions of a widespread and fundamental grievance against the ruling class. The core issue was the oppressive burden of taxation, levied to fund wars that brought only devastation to the common people while enriching the nobility. Tuchman emphasizes The Breakdown of Social Order in Times of Crisis by giving voice to the rebels’ developing class consciousness, as articulated by the radical priest John Ball in England and the unnamed cobbler in Paris. The response of the nobility is consistent across national lines. Faced with a direct threat to their power, they close ranks, brutally suppressing the revolts and revoking any concessions made under duress. The French victory at Roosebeke is not depicted as a national triumph. Instead, Tuchman presents it as a decisive moment in this class war, a victory that strengthens the crown’s hand to crush dissent at home and dismantle the traditional liberties of cities like Paris.
The military campaigns of this period serve as evidence of The Illusion of Chivalry. Tuchman contrasts the high-minded ideals of knightly conduct with the greed, incompetence, and brutality that characterized contemporary warfare. The Italian expedition serves as a case study. The Duc d’Anjou’s quest for the crown of Naples is a pageant of chivalric extravagance that is completely detached from military reality, ending in starvation, disease, and total failure. In contrast, Coucy’s follow-up campaign in Italy is a masterclass in pragmatism. He uses deception to seize Arezzo, assesses the political landscape after Anjou’s death, and, recognizing the mission’s futility, skillfully negotiates a profitable and safe withdrawal for his army. The planned invasions of England further underscore the disconnect between chivalric ambition and practical reality. Despite immense preparations and expense, these grand enterprises collapse under the weight of internal political rivalries, logistical challenges, and a fundamental reluctance to risk a hazardous landing. The introduction of Honoré Bonet’s The Tree of Battles, a contemporary critique of the suffering inflicted on non-combatants, reinforces Tuchman’s argument that the chivalric code was a hollow ideology that failed to restrain the destructive impulses of the warrior class.
Tuchman’s narrative method in these chapters mirrors the chaotic and fragmented nature of the era. She shifts perspectives rapidly between the courts of France and England, the battlefields of Flanders, and the political labyrinth of Italy. This cross-cutting technique prevents the reader from seeing events in a simple, linear progression and instead creates a sense of compounding crises. The French crown is simultaneously beset by the duke of Brittany’s treachery, an insulting challenge from the duke of Guelders, and the looming threat of England, all while its resources are being squandered on foreign adventures and its authority is challenged by internal revolt. Tuchman shows how personal animosities and individual ambitions consistently derail state policy. Just as Gian Galeazzo’s coup in Milan reshapes Italian politics, the duke of Montfort’s personal hatred for Clisson is sufficient to scuttle a national invasion of England. By focusing on these character-driven conflicts, Tuchman argues that the grand historical forces of the century were often products of the deeply personal, and frequently irrational, motivations of its key actors.



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