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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of graphic violence, illness, death, religious persecution, and sexual violence.
By the late 1380s, the idealized image of knighthood was crumbling under the weight of repeated military failures. The 1385 slaughter of Austrian knights by Swiss commoners at the Battle of Sempach, followed by the French fiasco of the 1388 Guelders campaign, revealed the emptiness of chivalric pretensions. Critics grew more vocal, with writers like Eustache Deschamps and Philippe de Mézières openly mocking the nobility’s obsession with fashion and luxury at the expense of military readiness. In Italy, Franco Sacchetti lamented that knighthood had been cheapened by being granted to commoners.
This erosion of prestige coincided with a major political shift in France. In 1388, the young King Charles VI, age 20, dismissed his powerful uncles—the dukes of Burgundy and Berry—and took control of the government. This brought his younger brother, Louis, Duc d’Orléans, into a position of greater influence. Meanwhile, a parallel drama unfolded in England involving Robert de Vere, the ninth earl of Oxford and husband of Enguerrand de Coucy’s daughter, Philippa. Oxford’s influence over the English king and his scandalous decision to divorce Philippa enraged her royal uncles. A group of nobles known as the Lords Appellant defeated Oxford at the Battle of Radcot Bridge in 1387, and the subsequent “Merciless Parliament” of 1388 sentenced him to be hanged as a traitor in absentia (446). After Oxford fled to France, Coucy successfully pressured King Charles to expel him; Oxford was later killed in a boar hunt in Brabant in 1392.
Amidst this turmoil, Coucy’s own domain was so devastated by decades of plague and war that, in November 1388, he was appointed Grand Bouteiller (or Grand Butler) of France and granted special economic privileges to aid in its recovery. The chapter concludes with the signing of a fragile three-year truce between France and England in June 1389, temporarily halting the long and damaging war.
In late 1389, with a truce established, Charles VI journeyed to papal Avignon and then to the province of Languedoc to address the corrupt administration of his uncle, the Duc de Berry. Accompanied by Enguerrand de Coucy, the king investigated the duke’s abuses, culminating in the public execution of Berry’s chief officer in Languedoc, Bétizac, who was burned at the stake. While in Avignon, Coucy also testified at the canonization hearings for the recently deceased young cardinal, Pierre de Luxemburg. During this tour, Genoese ambassadors proposed a French-led military expedition to suppress the Barbary pirates operating from the port of Mahdia in modern-day Tunisia. The idea, framed as a crusade, excited the French knights. The command was given to the Duc de Bourbon, with Coucy as his second-in-command.
Before his departure in April 1390, Coucy founded a monastery for the ascetic Célestin Order. In July, the combined French and Genoese force of about 5,000 men landed in North Africa. Coucy, the first man ashore, led the initial landing party with the Comte d’Eu as associate leader, and the army laid siege to Mahdia. However, the campaign quickly bogged down. The crusaders, weighed down by heavy armor in the intense summer heat, suffered from constant harassment by Berber cavalry. Against Coucy’s explicit warning that the challenge could be a ruse to seize prisoners, a group of knights accepted a formal combat offer; the Berber champions failed to appear, and a costly general engagement against the field army broke out instead. After two months of fruitless siege and a failed final assault, the crusaders accepted a treaty negotiated by the Genoese and withdrew. Though a military failure, the expedition was treated as a triumph upon their return to France, and the participants were greeted as heroes.
Following the Barbary expedition, the French court shifted its focus to a far more ambitious plan: ending the Papal Schism by force. This plan, known as the Voie de Fait, called for a military invasion of Italy to depose the Roman Pope Boniface and install the French-backed Pope Clement. However, in a 12-hour sermon delivered in January 1391, the young theologian Jean Gerson argued against the campaign, advocating instead for a church council to resolve the crisis. The Voie de Fait was ultimately postponed when England, seeking to divert France from Italy, made a timely offer to negotiate a definitive peace treaty. During this period, Coucy acted as a negotiator in the sale of the vast estates of the bankrupt Count Guy de Blois to the ambitious Louis d’Orléans. Louis paid Coucy back the 50,000-franc difference he had negotiated off the asking price and separately canceled his 10,000-florin debt from the Tunisian campaign; Froissart nevertheless judged that Coucy “was greatly to blame in this matter” (491).
A major peace parley at Amiens in 1392 failed to secure a permanent settlement. The French ultimately offered to pay the arrears on King Jean’s ransom and guarantee peaceable possession of Aquitaine in return for the razing of Calais, but the English held back, unwilling to surrender the city. During these talks, King Charles VI experienced a brief but alarming illness, marked by fever and delirium. This individual crisis mirrored a broader European atmosphere of instability and spiritual anxiety. The Holy Roman Emperor, Wenceslas IV of Bohemia, was descending into alcoholism and misrule, while in Holland a new lay religious movement called the Brethren of the Common Life arose, founded by Gerard Groote to seek a purer form of devotion outside the corrupt institutional church. A deep pessimism permeated society, as writers and moralists lamented the decay of virtue and the breakdown of the social order, believing they were living in the senility of the world.
The simmering political tensions in France erupted into crisis in June 1392 when Pierre de Craon attempted to murder the Constable of France, Olivier de Clisson. Though Clisson survived, the enraged King Charles VI launched a military expedition against the duke of Brittany, who had sheltered Craon. While on the march in August, the king’s page let the royal lance fall; it struck a helmet with a loud clang. Startled, Charles drew his sword and attacked his own retinue, killing one or more knights before being physically restrained and losing consciousness. In the ensuing power vacuum caused by the king’s sickness, the king’s uncles, the Dukes of Burgundy and Berry, seized control of the government and dismissed the king’s ministers, known as the Marmosets. Coucy navigated the new regime, undertaking missions for the dukes but refusing to profit from his friend Clisson’s downfall by accepting his confiscated office of constable.
The king eventually recovered under the care of Coucy’s aged physician, Guillaume de Harsigny. However, the court’s return to frivolous pleasure led to another disaster in January 1393. At a masquerade known as the Bal des Ardents (Dance of the Burning Ones), the king and five companions wore flammable costumes that caught fire from a torch held by Louis d’Orléans. The king was saved, as was one other who flung himself into a wine-cooler, but four companions died in agony. This gruesome event reflected the era’s morbid obsession with mortality, exemplified by the rise of the Danse Macabre, an artistic motif depicting death leading all members of society to their graves. In June 1393, the king’s mental health struggles returned for a more severe, eight-month period, during which he failed to recognize his wife, Queen Isabeau. His struggles with his mental health continued for the rest of his life, leaving France with a helpless ruler and fueling the destructive factional rivalry between Orléans and Burgundy.
In this section, Tuchman charts the collapse of both institutional authority and individual sanity in late 14th-century France. The argumentative structure moves from the general to the specific, illustrating how the systemic decay of chivalry and governance created the conditions for personal tragedy. Chapter 21 establishes the broad crisis of confidence in the knightly class following a series of military humiliations. Tuchman then narrows the focus in subsequent chapters to demonstrate the consequences of this decay: the mismanaged Barbary campaign, the cynical court intrigues that derailed peacemaking, and finally, the mental distress of King Charles VI. This progression argues that the king’s troubles were not merely a personal affliction and suggests instead that they were the culminating symptom of a society in which the core pillars of order—the chivalric code, the monarchy, and the Church—were themselves crumbling. The king’s sanity becomes as frayed as the social fabric. The sequence of events forms a chain of causation, linking the failure of an entire social class to the vulnerability of its sovereign and the political chaos that followed.
Tuchman uses the disastrous military expeditions of the period to expose The Illusion of Chivalry, showing it to be a hollow and self-serving ideology. The Guelders campaign and the Siege of Barbary are presented as case studies in incompetence and vanity instead of noble ventures. While the Barbary expedition was framed as a holy crusade, Tuchman reveals its true nature as a poorly planned adventure driven by the knights’ desire for glory rather than any coherent military or religious objective. The contrast between Coucy’s cautious pragmatism and the reckless bravado of his peers, particularly during the ill-advised combat challenge he warned against, highlights the code’s internal contradictions. The chivalric ideal of honorable combat is further challenged by the court’s internal conflicts. Pierre de Craon’s attempted assassination of Olivier de Clisson is an act of brutal pragmatism, an ambush that bypasses any pretense of knightly honor. Similarly, Robert de Vere’s repudiation of his wife Philippa, Coucy’s daughter, for a courtly infatuation demonstrates that personal desire and political convenience easily overrode the supposed sanctity of marriage vows and feudal loyalty. These events show that knighthood was a fiction, cracking from both external pressures and internal moral rot.
Throughout these chapters, Enguerrand de Coucy is a figure of relative stability and competence, yet Tuchman uses his career to show how even the most capable individuals were entangled in the era’s corrupt systems. He is a voice of reason in the Barbary campaign, a skilled negotiator in the Savoyard dispute, and a man of principle when he refuses to profit from his friend Clisson’s downfall by accepting his confiscated office of Constable. This act establishes Coucy’s moral integrity in contrast to the naked avarice of his contemporaries. However, Tuchman resists portraying him as an unsullied hero. His role as a paid negotiator in the sale of the Blois inheritance to the acquisitive Louis d’Orléans, a transaction for which he was handsomely compensated, earns a sharp rebuke from the chronicler Froissart, who judged that “the Sire de Coucy was greatly to blame in this matter” (491). By including this critique, Tuchman complicates Coucy’s character, using him as a lens to illustrate the moral compromises required to survive and prosper in a decaying feudal world. She does not present Coucy as an anachronistic modern hero, but as a man of his time, navigating a system where even honorable men must engage in morally ambiguous transactions.
The section culminates with an analysis of the era’s morbid cultural atmosphere, using the king’s mental health struggles and a series of ghastly events as potent symbols. King Charles’s mental illness episode on the road to Brittany becomes a metaphor for the state of the kingdom itself: a violent, irrational break from reality. The horror is compounded by the Bal des Ardents, an event Tuchman presents as the inevitable result of a decadent and irresponsible court culture. The image of the king and his nobles disguised in flammable costumes becomes a fateful symbol of a ruling class detached from reason and consequence. Tuchman explicitly connects this horrifying episode to the rise of the Danse Macabre, an artistic motif that depicted a skeletal Death leading all members of society to a common grave. This cultural obsession with putrefaction and mortality, seen also in the stark cadaver-effigy of the physician Harsigny, reflects a society grappling with The Breakdown of Social Order in Times of Crisis and haunted by the ever-present realities of plague and war.
Tuchman portrays large-scale political events alongside intimate personal dramas to create a rich historical fabric. The public failure of the Amiens peace parley is directly linked to the private, psychological travails of King Charles. Similarly, the political rivalry between the king’s uncles and his ministers is driven by personal greed and animosity, which then explodes into public violence with the attack on Clisson. The schism is presented as a political football, with Pope Clement sending Cardinal Pedro de Luna to lobby the English, who angrily dismiss him. This method reinforces the idea that in a monarchical, feudal society, the line between personal character and public policy is blurred. The sins of the age—greed, pride, irrationality—are shown to have destructive consequences for the state, as the whims and failings of powerful individuals directly shape the fate of nations. This also connects to The Spiritual and Moral Cost of Institutional Corruption, as personal failings among leaders mirror and exacerbate institutional ones, leaving the realm of France without a stable head.



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