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Work can provide the structure, identity, and sense of being that Nancy Schlossberg feared losing in retirement, yet many people experience their jobs as places where they feel invisible or expendable. Wallace connects these experiences to burnout, disengagement, and “quiet quitting,” arguing that they can reflect an erosion of mattering at work. She draws on workplace observations, organizational research, and an international survey of more than 2,000 employees to examine experiences of mattering and anti-mattering at work. Burnout and disengagement may involve diminished mattering alongside pressures such as excessive workloads, job insecurity, discrimination, inadequate resources, and poor working conditions.
The mattering core provides a practical framework for improving everyday working relationships. Employees are more likely to experience recognition when they can see the impact of their work and reliance when they’re trusted with meaningful responsibility. Prioritizing well-being communicates importance, personalized support can foster attunement, and opportunities for learning and development allow organizations to invest in employees’ growth. Wallace also cautions against workplace initiatives that promote resilience or employee “empowerment” while leaving the conditions that produce distress unchanged.
Organizational conditions shape how employees experience mattering in practice. Wallace notes that a woman named Frankie left a remote job characterized by surveillance and micromanagement for an organization offering the flexibility and autonomy needed to manage work alongside a chronic illness, despite accepting lower pay. Employees at any level can influence everyday interactions through recognition, trust, and support. Authority over workload, flexibility, advancement, and workplace policy is distributed unequally, with managers and organizations controlling many of the conditions under which employees work.
Workplace experiences can also carry into life outside the job. Drawing on research into the “long arm of the job” and spillover between work and home (200), Wallace argues that depletion at work can reduce the emotional energy people have available for their relationships. Supportive working conditions may leave people with greater capacity for life outside work. Some scholars whom Wallace cites also connect workplace mattering with civic confidence and participation, though the chapter provides less direct support for this wider connection than for its discussion of workplace well-being and engagement.
Wallace considers how physical spaces can create opportunities for people to experience mattering. At the Bedford, a South London pub, regular programming brings neighbors of different generations into repeated contact. Its location within the neighborhood, mix of patrons, and regular programming reflect what civic researcher Sam Pressler identifies as the “where,” “who,” and “how” of community spaces. Wallace connects this example to the sociological concept of “third spaces”: places outside home and work where informal interactions can occur. She cites research associating social interaction in third spaces with higher reported well-being and greater access to civic infrastructure with stronger friendship networks. She also acknowledges that third spaces are declining because of high operating costs, underinvestment, and disruptions such as the pandemic. The availability of shared spaces shapes the opportunities people have for regular informal interaction.
Wallace encourages readers to begin with spaces they already use. She recommends designating a space for regular interaction or becoming more intentional about a place one already visits. Repeated presence gives people opportunities to recognize one another, notice absences, and gradually develop relationships. She also recommends adding “scaffolding”—food, games, or a shared topic—that gives people a reason to gather and makes conversation easier. Alex Hoskyn applied a similarly simple idea after experiencing isolation as a new mother, persuading cafés to designate tables for customers who wanted conversation; the “Chatty Cafe Scheme” later spread across the UK and internationally (214). A designated table changed the social expectations of an existing café by making conversation explicitly welcome.
During the renovation of Cossitt Library in Memphis, Tennessee, Shamichael Hallman asked local residents what they needed from the library and incorporated their responses into its redesign. The changes addressed food access and flexible community use, created employment opportunities for local people, and acknowledged the library’s history of segregation and the activists who had fought for desegregation. Hallman’s approach linked the design of a mattering space to the community’s stated needs and the history of the place itself. Wallace develops this idea through stewardship, encouraging people to contribute to shared spaces and to consider what they can offer the communities that gather there.



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