We Will Be Jaguars: A Memoir of My People

Nemonte Nenquimo, Mitch Anderson

We Will Be Jaguars: A Memoir of My People

Nemonte Nenquimo, Mitch Anderson
55 pages1-hour read
Nonfiction
Autobiography / Memoir
Adult
Published in 2024

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Part 2, Chapters 20-26Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of racism.

Part 2, Chapter 20 Summary

While collecting a catfish sample for toxin testing, Nenquimo voices her anger, arguing that appealing to outside labs is a useless delay when they already know the oil companies have poisoned their lands. She confronts the men in her group, challenging them as “warriors” who are idly watching the destruction of the earth. Galvanized by her frustration, Nenquimo proposes they form an alliance between their peoples. Instead of asking for material aid, the Ceibo Alliance will travel to all their communities and listen to their dreams and visions for the future. 


That night, Nenquimo dreams of holding a baby harpy eagle and realizes she is pregnant but does not tell Michi. Michi proposes that he assemble a support team of cowori, such as lawyers and activists, to support the Alliance. The group then uses a projector to map their territories. The Siona, Siekopai, and Kofan peoples draw their small, disconnected lands, which are surrounded by oil fields. In contrast, Opi draws the vast, unified territory of the Waorani. The group identifies 85 villages across the four tribes and agrees that the Ceibo Alliance’s first mission will be to visit every one and listen to the elders.

Part 2, Chapter 21 Summary

The newly formed Ceibo Alliance begins its journey by visiting the Kofan people. There, Emergildo tells Nenquimo he dreamed that she and Michi were feeding wild fruit to a baby parrot—and from this infers she is pregnant. The Kofan elders express their deep worry that the youth are becoming disconnected from the forest spirits. 


The group then travels to the Siekopai, where the elder Delfín shares yoco, a bitter vine used to clarify the mind. After drinking it, Nenquimo finds the courage to tell Michi she is pregnant. He reacts with love and joy, and they agree they are having a daughter. 


Their journey continues to the Siona territory on the violent Putumayo River. A Siona elder explains that their community survives the surrounding conflict by staying united through the sacred hallucinogenic plant, ayahuasca.


Finally, Nenquimo and Michi return to Nemonpare. Her mother immediately senses she is carrying a girl. At a sacred waterfall, a circular rainbow appears at Nenquimo and Michi’s feet. They decide to name their daughter Daime, meaning rainbow. 


That evening, Nenquimo explains the Ceibo Alliance to her parents. Opi reveals that they intend to use legal “rights” as weapons to defend their land. Michi has gathered a team of activists and legal experts to help and has acquired the public support of famous people. Nenquimo’s father says they should stay in Nemonpare now that she is pregnant. However, Nenquimo insists they must fight to protect their way of life. She invites her father to see the devastated lands of the other tribes for himself.


Nenquimo brings her parents and other Waorani elders to Amisacho—the original Kofan name for the area that the oil company replaced with Lago Agrio, a name shared with the Texas town where the company was founded. Tiri is disoriented and unnerved by the city’s traffic and noise. That evening, the elders of the four peoples—Waorani, Kofan, Siekopai, and Siona—gather around a fire, sharing the smoked meat the Waorani have brought and building friendships.


The next day, the entire group, including the cowori support team, tours the surrounding area to witness the environmental destruction firsthand. They pass barren, deforested hills, a cemetery bordered by pipelines, and a toxic oil waste pit. The Waorani elders are horrified by the visible pollution and the loss of natural species. Tiri observes that where cattle egrets now fly, scarlet macaws would have once roosted. Before she and Tiri return to the forest, Manuela warns Nenquimo to give birth in the village, not in a hospital where they will “cut” her.

Part 2, Chapter 22 Summary

Nenquimo returns to Nemonpare to give birth to her daughter, Daime, in a traditional birthing hammock inside the family longhouse. Her mother and Michi assist her through the intense and painful labor. In the days following the birth, Michi unknowingly violates a cultural taboo by touching an anaconda while fishing, an act believed to disturb a newborn’s spirit. Nenquimo explains this and other rules new parents must follow, such as not blowing on fire or handling certain animals.


For nearly a month, Nenquimo and her family enjoy a simple, traditional life. The experience of becoming a grandfather inspires Tiri to suggest showing the cowori how their people live in the forest so they might understand its value. Nenquimo formulates a new mission for the Ceibo Alliance: They will create maps of their territory, filling them with their knowledge of sacred sites, animal trails, and medicinal plants.

Part 2, Chapter 23 Summary

As a new mother and a leader, Nenquimo travels with Michi and Daime to Quito, Ecuador’s capital city, to obtain a birth certificate. The trip is a painful experience of racism. In a clinic, a woman asks Michi where the baby’s mother is, assuming Nenquimo is the nanny. A doctor speaks to Michi about Nenquimo as if she isn’t there, and the US Embassy refuses to believe they are a family, demanding a DNA test to grant Daime citizenship. The constant prejudice makes Nenquimo physically ill and emotionally withdrawn.


Her spirit is restored upon returning to Amisacho, where she is welcomed with love by the Ceibo Alliance community. Amisacho has become a bustling hub where young Indigenous leaders train with the cowori support team, now officially named Amazon Frontlines. They learn to use tools like GPS and drones while planning strategies for territorial defense. 


The Alliance spends two years making colorful, complex maps of all their villages. One day Nenquimo’s father takes her to Victor’s grave. Tiri reveals that the day after Victor’s burial he found a jaguar cub by his grave. Nenquimo is convinced her brother returned to the jungle as a jaguar.

Part 2, Chapter 24 Summary

Opi discovers that the government has announced a new oil auction, designating their territory “Block 22” and putting it up for sale alongside 14 other “Blocks” of the Amazon. In response, the Waorani people gather for a large assembly. Nenquimo gives a speech, urging them to fight and reminding them that the cowori world seeks to break their community in order to take their resources. Opi explains their legal strategy, which is centered on the right to “free, prior, and informed consent” (329). Elders testify that they were tricked into putting their thumbprints on documents they couldn’t understand in exchange for soda and bread.


That night, the community celebrates with a traditional dance. During the festivities, the elders perform an impromptu marriage ceremony for Nenquimo and Michi, binding them together with chanted blessings and advice. 


The next morning, the community marches into a clearing in the forest. They unfurl a large banner with a message painted in three languages: “OUR LAND IS NOT FOR SALE!” (335). Using a drone, they film themselves chanting as the camera rises high above the canopy, sending their message of resistance to the world.

Part 2, Chapter 25 Summary

The Waorani lawsuit against the Ecuadorian government begins. Nenquimo and several elders serve as plaintiffs, wearing feathered crowns and painting their faces with the natural coloring achiote. When their initial request to hold the hearing in their territory is denied, they respond with ancestral songs and war dances. The act of spiritual resistance forces the judge to adjourn the hearing. In the month that follows, the Ceibo Alliance and Amazon Frontlines launch an international online campaign, drawing global attention to the case.


When the trial resumes, Nenquimo has a dream in which she guides the lead judge on a canoe, helping her see the forest’s beauty. The dream convinces Nenquimo that to win, she must help the judges see her people’s humanity. An elder, Wiña, reveals that she had a dream in which the jaguars of the forest spoke to her, recognizing the Waorani people as their “lawyers.”


The trial lasts for days, featuring testimony from Nenquimo and Opi. Opi uses the Waorani-made maps to show their deep connection to the land. Finally, the verdict is read: The court rules in favor of the Waorani, declaring that the government violated their rights and that the oil auction is illegal. Their territory, half a million acres of rainforest, is protected. They celebrate with a victory march through the city of Puyo, where the local townspeople cheer for them. Having won the battle, Nenquimo tells her mother she is finally ready to come home.

Part 2, Chapter 26 Summary

Back in Nemonpare, Nenquimo’s father notices fresh jaguar scat. As the family follows the jaguar’s tracks, Nenquimo absorbs the beauty of the forest and feels her brother Victor’s presence. She knows he is watching and is proud of her for saving their territory.

Part 2, Chapters 20-26 Analysis

This section chronicles the birth and first major victory of a unified Indigenous resistance movement, tracing its evolution from a moment of raw frustration into a sophisticated legal and spiritual campaign. Nenquimo’s impassioned speech in Chapter 20 is a critical turning point, shifting her group’s focus from reactive evidence-gathering to proactive community organizing. Her declaration, “We are asking that fish to tell a laboratory to tell us what we already know” (279), dismisses the methods of the colonizing world, which demand external, “objective” proof for a truth the Indigenous inhabitants already experience viscerally. She redefines their mission by rejecting the framework of material needs—the very language of the companies and government—and instead centering the “dreams” and “visions” of the elders. This strategy foregrounds Storytelling as Cultural Survival, proposing that the foundation of their fight must be their own sacred values, not a plea for aid within a foreign system. The creation and naming of the Ceibo Alliance demonstrates Nenquimo’s emergence as a leader who can channel anger into a constructive, unifying vision that galvanizes the previously hesitant men around her.


The narrative interweaves Nenquimo’s personal journey into motherhood with the political formation of the Alliance, suggesting that the fight for the future is inseparable from the creation of new life. Her pregnancy, confirmed by a dream of a baby harpy eagle, develops in parallel with the Alliance’s foundational travels. These early journeys to the Kofan, Siekopai, and Siona territories produce the spiritual and philosophical tenets of their movement. Each elder’s wisdom contributes an important pillar to the Alliance’s ideology: The Kofan speak of the youth’s spiritual disconnection, the Siekopai elder Delfín speaks of recovering stolen lands and the strength of the forest, and the Siona elder explains that community, held together by sacred ceremony, is the key to surviving violence. By giving birth in Nemonpare, Nenquimo heeds Manuela’s warning against going to a hospital where “they will cut you” (304), accepting the wisdom of her mother’s experience and ancestral knowledge. Daime’s delivery in a traditional birthing hammock surrounded by family members sharply contrasts with the impersonal, institutionalized nature of Western hospitals.


The memoir further juxtaposes the holistic Waorani world with the fragmented, violent world of the cowori, primarily through the elders’ visit to Lago Agrio and Nenquimo’s later trip to Quito. The elders’ tour of the oil fields is a moment of collective political awakening. Their horror is not just at the visible pollution, but at what is absent: natural species, clean water, and the maintenance of a sacred balance with nature. Tiri’s observation that where cattle egrets now fly, scarlet macaws once roosted, encapsulates the concept of Extractivism as Cultural Erasure. The destruction is not merely environmental but ontological, erasing a world of meaning. Nenquimo’s subsequent trip to Quito exposes the personal, psychological dimension of this same conquest. The bureaucratic violence of the clinic and the US Embassy, where racist assumptions deny her identity as a mother and her family’s legitimacy, is a microcosm of the state’s systemic dehumanization of its Indigenous peoples. The attack is both on the land and on the body, showing how the conquest operates on both a macro (environmental) and micro (personal) scale.


The Ceibo Alliance’s central strategy—the creation of community-based territorial maps—is a powerful act of counter-cartography and cultural assertion. Inspired by Tiri’s wish to “show the cowori how our people live in the forest” (310), Nenquimo initiates a project to fill the government’s blank, gridded maps with their own rich knowledge of sacred sites, animal habitats, and ancestral history. This process transforms abstract space into a living territory, imbuing the land with memory and meaning that directly challenge its designation as the impersonal, resource-laden “Block 22.” The act of mapping becomes a tool for intergenerational knowledge transfer and a consolidation of collective identity. The narrative also highlights a productive synthesis of Indigenous knowledge and cowori technology. The drone, which Nenquimo’s father calls “the flying insect” (319), is used to broadcast their message, “OUR LAND IS NOT FOR SALE!” (335), from the heart of the forest to a global audience. This act reverses the associations of the narrative’s recurring aircraft motif. Earlier in the book, aircraft such as planes and helicopters inevitably bring unwelcome cowori disruption to the Waorani people. By using drones to broadcast the exploitative nature of exractivism, they reappropriate aerial technology into a tool of liberation.


The culmination of the Alliance’s work in the courtroom demonstrates a sophisticated, two-pronged strategy that combines legal argumentation with spiritual power. The Waorani refuse to abide by the sterile decorum of the court, transforming the space with songs and dances that assert their cultural authority and unnerve the government lawyers. This act spiritually sanctifies the space, forcing the legal system to confront a worldview it is designed to ignore. Nenquimo’s dream of guiding the lead judge on a canoe trip signifies an important shift in her own strategy, moving from pure confrontation to a belief in healing through shared humanity. The final verdict, which invalidates the oil auction, is a triumph of this hybrid approach. The elder Wiña’s declaration that they have become “jaguar lawyers” who “speak the jaguar’s words so that the white people can hear them” (347) symbolically captures their success. By infusing the state’s legal tools with the spirit and authority of the forest, they win a landmark victory that protects their land and sets a precedent for Indigenous sovereignty.

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