55 pages • 1-hour read
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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of death and graphic violence.
The party travels south in winter. At Velia, they see a massive ship, a gift from Messana to Verres, fully crewed and ready to flee. They sail down the coast to Sicily. Their first landing is at Messana, Verres’s stronghold, where a cross stands at the harbor. Their hosts Basiliscus and Percennius report that Verres recently had a Roman citizen, Publius Gavius, flogged and crucified facing the mainland; at this point, the reason is unclear.
Cicero tours the province, taking statements from victims at Tyndaris, Thermae, Lilybaeum, Agrigentum, Henna, and the plains around Mount Aetna, gathering evidence of stolen property, extortion of farmers, and judicial murder. In Henna, the new governor, Lucius Metellus, sets out lictors (bodyguards/attendants to civil servants) to intimidate witnesses. Nevertheless, Cicero and his companions are warmly received at Syracuse. Cicero learns of a pirate captain, Heracleo, supposedly executed but possibly ransomed, and of a Roman banker, Lucius Herennius, beheaded as a spy without receiving a trial.
That evening, a message arrives from Quintus warning that Hortensius has arranged to prosecute another corruption case to delay Verres’s trial until after the election, when he is more likely to receive an acquittal, in part because one of the Metellus brothers will likely be elected as praetor. Cicero responds by cutting straight to the heart of the investigation; he raids the Syracusan tax collectors’ offices and seizes their records, though Verres’s name has been excised. He then raids the home of Vibius, a former financial director implicated in these documents, and discovers correspondence proving Verres impounded merchant ships on false spying charges, stole their cargoes, and sent their crews to the Stone Quarries prison. They visit the Stone Quarries and copy its death records; these claim to have executed criminals like Heracleo while releasing Roman prisoners, but Cicero deduces that the records were switched.
Cicero addresses the Syracusan senate, which rescinds its eulogy to Verres after he promises to redress the wrongs done to Sicily. Summoned before Metellus, who accuses him of inciting rebellion, Cicero refuses to return the documents. Metellus orders him to appear in court the following morning, arguing that the documents were illegally seized. That night, with Frugi’s help, Cicero discovers that the tax records show bribes paid to Verres by victims, redeposited under the alias “Verrucius.” In court the next day, Cicero agrees to return the documents but exposes the forgery; Metellus storms out. Cicero leaves Sicily with crates of evidence and a list of witnesses, while Lucius and Frugi remain to organize the latter’s transport.
Returning to Rome, Cicero works on a fourfold case: judicial corruption, extortion of taxes, plundering of property, and tyrannical punishments. Meanwhile, Hortensius’s decoy prosecution of the former governor of Achaia ties up the extortion court. Quintus’s chart shows that festivals and games will reduce the available trial days to about 20 before recess. As expenses mount—quartering witnesses, funding the aedile campaign, etc.—Cicero appeals again to Terentia, who advances another 50,000. Cicero increasingly resents relying on Terentia’s funds, prompting Tiro to reflect, “[I]t is from around this time that I date his increasing preoccupation with money, a subject that had never previously interested him in the least” (115). As witnesses arrive in Rome, Hortensius spreads rumors that Cicero has taken a bribe to bungle the case, forcing him to take time away from his existing legal practice and voter canvassing to reassure those providing testimony.
The decoy prosecution ends in acquittal on July 23. The jury for the Verres trial is selected; despite Cicero using all his challenges, it includes hostile aristocrats Catulus, Catilina, Servilius Vatia Isauricus, and Marcus Metellus. Soon after, Hortensius and Quintus Metellus are elected consuls, while Marcus Metellus is elected praetor. At the Senate’s lot-drawing, Marcus Metellus draws the extortion court, meaning that he will preside as judge from January. Cicero suspects that Crassus fixed the result and collapses briefly from stress. However, Terentia revives him and orders him to shorten his speech so that the trial will be wrapped up before Marcus Metellus takes office.
Cicero requests a meeting with Pompey and dines at his house with Palicanus, Afranius, Gabinius, and Varro; he returns shaken, saying only, “It is done” (124). At the supplementary elections, presided over by Crassus, Cicero canvasses alongside Julius Caesar, who is making his first run for the Senate. Despite Verres’s bribery, Cicero is elected aedile, winning 18 tribes. He returns home triumphant but says that the household celebrations must wait until Verres is defeated. He orders Tiro to summon all 100 Sicilian witnesses and have all evidence boxes brought to court the next morning; he also says that he will not need help with his speech.
On the fifth day of August, the trial of Verres opens before the praetor Glabrio at the extortion court at the Temple of Castor. Tiro and Frugi marshal witnesses from across the Mediterranean and stage the evidence boxes for maximum effect. Hortensius, defending Verres alongside Quintus Metellus and Scipio Nasica, attempts repeated procedural delays. When Cicero finally speaks, he announces that he will dispense with a long opening speech and instead immediately call witnesses one by one, presenting evidence and allowing cross-examination, completing his case within 10 days. This denies Hortensius the opportunity to drag proceedings past the upcoming games into the new year, when Marcus Metellus would preside.
Sthenius testifies first, recounting Verres’s abuses and revealing that Hortensius refused to take his case. Over successive days, witnesses including Dio of Halaesa and naval captains Phalacrus and Onasus describe extortion, judicial corruption, and bribery of the executioner Sextius. Lucius returns from Sicily with two Roman witnesses, Numitorius and Annius, who testify on the ninth day about the executions of Herennius and Gavius. Verres flees Rome that night.
Hortensius offers a settlement of 1.5 million sesterces; the true cost of Verres’s time in Sicily is likely closer to 40 million. However, Pompey visits Cicero personally and instructs him to accept the offer. Lucius is outraged when Cicero complies, and his disgust only grows when Cicero explains the favor he asked of Pompey when he visited before the elections: to speak to Glabrio and ensure that Pompey could call his witnesses without a preliminary speech. Lucius calls this “massive interference” and, when Cicero insists that he did it to secure justice for the Sicilians, demands that Cicero prove it by asking for a larger settlement anyway. In court the following day, however, Cicero merely laments that no damages could undo the harm Verres has caused. Later that day, he enters the Senate and claims Verres’s vacated praetorian rank.
The Sicilian expedition turns Cicero from advocate into investigator, and he runs substantial risks to bring Verres’s corruption to light. The descent into the Stone Quarries, the raid on the tax collectors, the confrontation with Lucius Metellus in the governor’s palace—each scene puts Cicero somewhere a Roman senator is not supposed to be, asking questions a junior magistrate is not supposed to ask. The exchange with Metellus crystallizes the stakes. When Metellus threatens Cicero with a treason charge, Cicero defends his actions, answering, “I shall discharge the duty I have been assigned” (108). Here, Cicero frames his actions in terms of civic responsibility. Similarly, when confronted with the depths of Verres’s cruelty in the Stone Quarries, Cicero vows to use any power he attains to curb such atrocities.
Still, there is a degree of ambiguity to both his motives and actions. Walking out from this confrontation, he remarks, “[I]f you seek power, and if you are a new man, this is what you have to do. Nobody is ever going to simply hand it to you” (108). The statement is not merely about standing up to Metellus, which Cicero recognizes could have dire consequences. Rather, it also refers to his decision to seize the tax records, which, as Cicero himself acknowledges, was not legal. Moreover, the line affirms that Sicily and Sthenius are, for Cicero, a means to an end. Cicero’s rationalization of underhanded tactics and preoccupation with his own career suggest that even at his moment of greatest moral courage, The Corrupting Price of Ambition is at work.
The trial itself is structured around a single procedural decision that adds further nuance to the theme of Eloquence as Political Weapon. Hortensius’s strategy depends on a combination of time—40 days of festivals will dilute any case told at length—and his own abilities as a performer. Cicero answers by refusing to make the speech that everyone, including Hortensius, has come to hear. “Gentlemen, I shall make no speech at all” (134), he announces, and then he calls witnesses one after another for 10 days. These witnesses do most of Cicero’s speaking for him; even in the climactic reconstruction of Gavius’s flogging—“A blow lands. ‘I am a Roman citizen.’ A blow lands. ‘I am a Roman citizen’” (142)—Cicero is quoting someone else. The words, which expose the failures of Roman justice, encapsulate Cicero’s opening contention that the trial would be a verdict on the Senate’s own jury. Meanwhile, Hortensius, “the King of the Law Courts,” is reduced to, “No questions for this witness” (137), day after day because his memorized set-piece skill has nothing to bite on. The trained voice wins by withholding itself, underscoring that eloquence is not simply about rhetoric.
The irony of Cicero’s victory is that it also marks a decisive moment of moral compromise (his acceptance of the settlement) while exposing one he has already made (the favor he requested from Pompey). When Lucius works out what has happened and presses him to defy Pompey and pursue the maximum penalty, Cicero answers him with the double-grip handshake and the promise to “think about it” (148)—a formula Tiro has watched him use on clients in that same room. What follows affirms that Cicero is merely placating Lucius; after Lucius leaves the room, Cicero remarks, “The trouble with Lucius is that he thinks politics is a fight for justice. Politics is a profession” (148). The sentence, which flouts his rationalization for pursuing power at the Stone Quarries, is offered as worldly wisdom but functions narratively as something closer to a confession. Where the Sicilians get just 1.5 million sesterces, Cicero emerges from the trial with the praetorian seat, making his career the true beneficiary.
Cicero’s slide into corruption coincides with that of the Republic, developing the theme of The Republic’s Slow Surrender to Strongmen. Pompey walks into a private house, names the fine, and walks out, and the prosecutor of the most documented extortion case in Roman memory adjusts his demand to suit. Cicero’s own gloss is the most damning detail: “That was a visit from the rent collector” (146). The trial that vindicated the law was made possible by a private accommodation outside it, which Pompey now calls due. Once again, the outcome of a public process turns on what one powerful man wants.



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