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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of death, death by suicide, and racism.
Tiro skips forward more than two years. In the interim, Cicero’s aedileship succeeds: The grateful Sicilian farmers keep grain prices low, and Cicero builds an electoral machine through precinct bosses and stages the Festival of Ceres games. He also buys a country villa near Tusculum, formerly owned by Sulla.
This happiness and good fortune come to an end following Pompey’s birthday dinner. While recounting the conversation that took place there, Cicero reveals that he is defending Marcus Fonteius, a former governor of Further Gaul accused of extortion against the Gauls, whose chief, Induciomarus, earlier sought Cicero as advocate. Cicero argues that defending Fonteius will neutralize accusations that he favors foreigners, but Lucius denounces this as a betrayal and withdraws from the conversation.
At the trial, Cicero attacks the credibility of Gaulish witnesses by invoking the Gauls’ practice of human sacrifice and produces Fonteius’s sister, a vestal virgin, in court for emotional effect. Fonteius is acquitted. That same day, Lucius dies at home; Tiro privately discovers hemlock by the body, suggesting suicide, but conceals this from the family. Lucius is cremated, and the family travels to their home region of Arpinum to inter the ashes; en route, they learn that Cicero’s father has also died. Tiro, who longs to marry and have children, proposes that he remain at Arpinum to manage the family estate, but Cicero refuses; he says that he, too, would like to remain, but he cannot pursue his ambitions there, and he requires Tiro’s services. Later that day, a messenger arrives with news that pirates have burned the consular fleet at Ostia and kidnapped two praetors. Pompey summons Cicero.
Cicero returns to Tusculum and travels to Pompey’s nearby estate, where eight senators gather: Pompey, Cicero, Caesar (recently returned from Spain as quaestor), Palicanus, Afranius, Gabinius, Cornelius (a tribune-elect), and Varro. Tiro takes minutes as Pompey unveils a plan to divide the Mediterranean into 15 zones under legates (commanders of legions), with one supreme commander holding three years of imperium over all coastal territory; he intends to be that commander. Cicero warns of aristocratic resistance to this breach of tradition and advises that Pompey’s name be omitted from the bill, which should specify only “senator of consular rank” (174). During lunch, Tiro accidentally witnesses Caesar having sex with Pompey’s pregnant wife, Mucia; Caesar sees him but says nothing, and Tiro conceals this from Cicero. Later that day, Caesar jokes about buying Tiro from Cicero. Returning home, Cicero speculates that Caesar may be the true author of Pompey’s scheme.
In Rome, Gabinius and Cornelius take office as tribunes and stoke public panic over the pirates; among other security measures, they install beacons along the Tiber, implying that an invasion is imminent. After Saturnalia, Gabinius mounts the rostra (a platform for public speeches) and demands a supreme commander with sweeping powers, 500 warships, and vast forces. Catulus and Hortensius lead opposition in the Senate. Crassus places two tribunes, Trebellius and Roscius, behind him to signal that he has purchased vetoes against the bill. When Caesar speaks in favor of the proposal, called the lex Gabinia, the Senate dissolves into chaos and violence.
Consulting with Pompey and his allies afterward, Pompey recommends that Gabinius put forward Pompey’s name as commander and that Pompey decline. The public outcry to do something about the pirates will force the Senate to act, and Pompey’s apparent lack of interest in the role will only increase his appeal; if necessary, he can also use the promise of legateships to sway stubborn senators. That night, Cicero drafts a speech announcing Pompey’s retirement, which Pompey delivers in the Forum the following day, to great effect.
Over the next two weeks, Cicero works behind the scenes, using persuasion and promises of command posts to win over senators to Pompey’s cause. The key obstacle remains Crassus and his two tribunes, who can veto the lex Gabinia. The day before the vote, Crassus visits Cicero and offers a deal: a shared command for Pompey and himself, with Crassus’s backing for Cicero’s future consulship. Crassus ends with a veiled threat, referencing the murder of the radical populist tribune Tiberius Gracchus.
The threat gives Cicero an idea. He sends Tiro to the National Archive to research the Gracchus case, where he learns that Gracchus, when faced with another tribune’s veto, had the popular assembly vote to remove his colleague from office. Cicero decides to use this obscure and dangerous precedent. At the assembly, Gabinius proposes the bill. When Crassus’s tribune, Trebellius, vetoes it, Gabinius immediately moves to have the people vote Trebellius out of office. After 17 of the 35 tribes vote for his removal, the terrified Trebellius withdraws his veto. Crassus’s second tribune, Roscius, is then shouted down by the crowd, and the lex Gabinia passes unanimously. Pompey returns to a hero’s welcome and, after addressing the Forum, leaves the city to begin his campaign.
The following summer, Cicero is elected praetor, topping the poll and being assigned to the extortion court. Anxious about his lack of a male heir, Cicero betroths his 10-year-old daughter, Tullia, to Frugi; the wedding will not take place for five more years, but the engagement signals Cicero’s hopes to train Frugi as his successor. Meanwhile, Pompey defeats the pirates in just 49 days. His new agent in Rome, the tribune Caius Manilius, proposes the lex Manilia to give Pompey command of the war against Mithradates. Under Pompey’s orders, Cicero delivers his first-ever speech from the rostra in support of the bill, which passes easily but further alienates the aristocracy.
During his praetorship, Cicero presides over the trial of Caius Licinius Macer, a supporter of Crassus. Macer is convicted and dies shortly thereafter, deepening Crassus’s hatred for Cicero. The upcoming consular race becomes more complicated when Antonius Hybrida, a corrupt candidate Cicero supported for praetor largely because he viewed him as no threat to his own career, stages lavish games that make him a serious contender. Cicero is then summoned by Metellus Pius, the pontifex maximus (high priest), who wants Lucius Sergius Catilina, a violent politician, prosecuted for extortion. Cicero realizes with alarm that while a pending case would bar Catilina from the next consular election, an acquittal would force Cicero to run against the dangerous rival in his own campaign the following year.
Cicero’s defense of Fonteius is the mirror image of his prior prosecution of Verres. Cicero takes a brief that he privately knows is indefensible (Fonteius “[is] plainly guilty” [160]) but persuades himself that he is doing something patriotic by casting the case as one of a Roman being attacked by foreigners. From there flows the jab at Induciomarus and the appeal to a jury to weigh “the prayers of a vestal maid” against “the threats of Gauls” (162). The same rhetorical skills that exposed extortion in Sicily now bury it in Gaul while also deceiving Cicero himself about the extent of his own compromise; as Lucius says, “[S]oon you will not be able to tell your tricks from the truth” (160). That the trial is followed within hours by Lucius’s death by suicide reinforces The Corrupting Price of Ambition: A cousin who has functioned as Cicero’s conscience dies on the day Cicero proves he can argue the opposite case as fervently as the original one. In a further symbolic betrayal, the journey to bring Lucius’s ashes home is cut short by a summons from Pompey; Cicero’s commitment to his own advancement supersedes even his grief.
The Pompey conference in Roll XI serves as additional evidence of Cicero’s growing corruption by showing Cicero reorganizing a plan he considers reckless rather than refusing it on moral grounds. Cicero’s editorial work on the lex Gabinia avoids openly championing Pompey, but the meaning is clear, and the bill as proposed marks a dubious consolidation of political power regardless of who is chosen to wield it. When he later writes Pompey’s renunciation speech, it marks a further corruption of Cicero’s oratory, as Cicero himself recognizes and resents. Cicero spends his evenings devising arguments for “a chief he [does] not admire and a cause he believe[s] to be fundamentally specious” (191), only to have his efforts erased by Pompey himself: Pompey asks afterward whether he liked “the line about my heart remaining among the hearths and temples of Rome forever,” and Cicero mutters once they part, “Well, naturally I did, you great booby—I wrote it!” (191). The exchange suggests that Cicero has betrayed not only his political convictions but also his own abilities, which he must pass off as someone else’s. Meanwhile, Gabinius, made to recite Cicero’s lines, becomes “his secret enemy” (188).
This unintended consequence underscores that by putting his words in others’ mouths, Cicero has to a large extent lost control of Eloquence as Political Weapon. Indeed, by the time Cicero gives his first speech from the rostra, he is acting under direct order from Pompey to support the lex Manilia “in all its provisions” (217), the chief provision being Gabinius’s legateship and the legal immunity it confers. Cicero retches into the latrine before he speaks, then delivers the slogan “one law, one man, one year” and amends Pompey’s “superhuman genius” to “superhuman and unbelievable genius” at Quintus’s suggestion (218). The contrast with the earlier scene in which Cicero speaks through Pompey heightens the irony; Cicero remains a uniquely effective orator, but he has become a mouthpiece for others’ political aims. As Tiro puts it, Cicero is becoming Pompey’s “whipping boy,” absorbing blows that the great man’s enemies cannot land on the great man himself. In this context, the fulfillment of one of Cicero’s dreams—the praetorship—becomes hollow, as emphasized by the fact that the victory hands Cicero six lictors he dislikes and a permanent staff he distrusts (“they begin as our servants and end up imagining themselves our masters” [220]). At the height (thus far) of his power, Cicero’s ability to influence those around him to achieve his own ends is more uncertain than ever.
The vote against Trebellius in Roll XII hints at the consequences of Cicero’s (and Rome’s) growing disregard for republican precedent in the name of expediency. Varro objects that the Gracchan tactic would let “any demagogue” remove a colleague “whenever he felt he had a majority among the tribes” (202); Cicero shares the unease but overrides it because “[they] are in a desperate struggle, and obliged to take some risks” (202). When 17 tribes have voted and Trebellius withdraws his veto rather than be cast out, the bill sails through. Tiro’s narration foreshadows the long-term consequences of this moment: Caesar looks “enraptured, as if he were already glimpsing his own future” (209). Once again, The Republic’s Slow Surrender to Strongmen advances alongside (and in part because of) Cicero’s moral compromises.



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